Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Table of Contents
- Foreword
- Who Will Be Indonesian President in 2014?
- The Seventh Plenum of the Communist Party of Vietnam:The Gains of the Central Committee
- The Struggle to Amend Thailand's Constitution
- Whither China's Myanmar Stranglehold?
- Malaysia's BN Stays in Power, But Deep Changes Have Nevertheless Occurred
- The Significance of China-Malaysia Industrial Parks
- Steadily Amplified Votes Decide Malaysian Elections
- The Rise of Chinese Power and the Impact on Southeast Asia
- The China-Myanmar Energy Pipelines: Risks and Benefits
- Moving ASEAN+1 FTAs towards an Effective RCEP
- Ethnic Insurgencies and Peacemaking in Myanmar
- Japan's Growing Angst over the South China Sea
- Taking the Income Gap in Southeast Asia Seriously
- Indonesian Parties Struggle for Electability
- Rohingya Boat Arrivals in Thailand: From the Frying Pan into the Fire?
- APEC's Model of Green Growth is a Move Forward
- China's FDI in Southeast Asia
- Hidden Counter-Revolution: A History of the Centralisation of Power in Malaysia
- The Dominance of Chinese Engineering Contractors in Vietnam
- RCEP and TPP: Comparisons and Concerns
- Implications of Demographic Trends in Singapore
- Big Power Contest in Southeast Asia
- The Resurgence of Social Activism in Malaysia
- Pivoting Asia, Engaging China—American Strategy in East Asia
- Towards a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea
- List of ISEAS Perspective Issues
Who Will Be Indonesian President in 2014?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015
- Frontmatter
- Table of Contents
- Foreword
- Who Will Be Indonesian President in 2014?
- The Seventh Plenum of the Communist Party of Vietnam:The Gains of the Central Committee
- The Struggle to Amend Thailand's Constitution
- Whither China's Myanmar Stranglehold?
- Malaysia's BN Stays in Power, But Deep Changes Have Nevertheless Occurred
- The Significance of China-Malaysia Industrial Parks
- Steadily Amplified Votes Decide Malaysian Elections
- The Rise of Chinese Power and the Impact on Southeast Asia
- The China-Myanmar Energy Pipelines: Risks and Benefits
- Moving ASEAN+1 FTAs towards an Effective RCEP
- Ethnic Insurgencies and Peacemaking in Myanmar
- Japan's Growing Angst over the South China Sea
- Taking the Income Gap in Southeast Asia Seriously
- Indonesian Parties Struggle for Electability
- Rohingya Boat Arrivals in Thailand: From the Frying Pan into the Fire?
- APEC's Model of Green Growth is a Move Forward
- China's FDI in Southeast Asia
- Hidden Counter-Revolution: A History of the Centralisation of Power in Malaysia
- The Dominance of Chinese Engineering Contractors in Vietnam
- RCEP and TPP: Comparisons and Concerns
- Implications of Demographic Trends in Singapore
- Big Power Contest in Southeast Asia
- The Resurgence of Social Activism in Malaysia
- Pivoting Asia, Engaging China—American Strategy in East Asia
- Towards a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea
- List of ISEAS Perspective Issues
Summary
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
• Presidential candidates in Indonesia have to be nominated by a political party (or combination of parties) that have either won 20% of the national vote in the parliamentary elections or control 25% of the seats in the House of Representatives (DPR). Some parties have already made clear choices.
• An analysis of candidate choice must however take into consideration the steady alienation of the majority of the population from existing political processes and actors.
•Voter abstention (golput) has steadily increased for both national and local elections since the 1999 elections. This reflects the alienation of the masses from the system and is reinforced by declining support for all of the political parties. The most popular party in the polls, the PDIP, is scoring only 20% and all other parties are scoring 12% and below.
•It is increasingly possible that the 2014 elections will take the form of a contest between two modes of political campaigning: an appeal to the charisma of power (pejabatism), and the deliberate rejection of this previous mode.
INTRODUCTION
The usual path to become a presidential candidate in Indonesia is to be nominated by a political party or combination of parties that have either won 20% of the national vote in the parliamentary elections or control 25% of the seats in the House of Representatives (DPR). Some parties already have made clear choices: Golkar (Party of Functional Groups) has nominated ex-Suharto loyalist and tycoon Aburizal Bakrie (although former vice-president Yusuf Kalla still lurks in the wings as a possi-ble challenger); Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement Party) decided on ex-Suharto general and semi-tycoon Prabowo Subianto; Hanura (People's Conscience Party) nominated ex-Suharto general Wiranto; and Nasdem (National Democrat Party) chose ex-Suharto loyalist and tycoon Surya Palo. The lead party in the ruling coalition, the Democrat Party (PD), has not yet decided on its candidate although it has now moved to bring former General Pramono Edhie Wibowo, into the leadership.
The party that does have a chance of winning 20% of the popular vote is the PDIP (Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle), but it has also yet to determine a candidate. In the past, it has nominated Megawati Sukarnoputri. There is also a possibility that the PDIP could nominate the current governor of Jakarta, the popular Joko Widodo.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- ISEAS PerspectiveSelections 2012-2013, pp. 1 - 9Publisher: ISEAS–Yusof Ishak InstitutePrint publication year: 2014