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Thomas Arundel and the Baronial Party Under Henry IV*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

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Extract

In July 1399, the exiled Henry of Lancaster returned to England with the exiled archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel, and a few followers and successfully wrested the English throne from Richard II. Historians have long debated the events of the revolution of 1399 and Henry's subsequent reign. In the last century Stubbs argued that Henry “had risen by advocating constitutional principles” and had “made the validity of a parliamentary title indispensable to royalty.” Lapsley, on the other hand, claims that it was Henry's followers, not Henry, who promoted parliamentary power; they tried to force a parliamentary title on him, but to no avail. McFarlane agrees with Lapsley that Henry was not inspired by constitutional principles; rather Henry “duped” and “outwitted” his followers in his successful usurpation of the crown.

McFarlane goes on to describe a baronial opposition to Henry which was led by Thomas Arundel. In his Cambridge Medieval History article on the Lancastrian kings, he writes: “At the beginning of the new reign he [Thomas Arundel] seemed to stand with the Percies and other noble supporters of the revolution for the preponderance of the baronage in the affairs of the realm.… In Lancastrian Kings and Lollard Knights this interpretation is somewhat qualified:

If we may judge from the speech with which he [Arundel] opened the first Parliament of the new reign he stood for what may be called the traditional baronial theory of government. The government he said, would not be “by the voluntary purpose or singular opinion” of the king alone but by “the advice, counsel and consent” of “the honourable wise and discreet persons of his realm.” This was as much a warning to Henry as a manifesto on his behalf.

McFarlane adds that Arundel was “evidently not altogether happy at the way the new king was already behaving.” He and Henry “only gradually … came together.”

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1984

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Footnotes

*

This is a revised version of a paper delivered at the Rocky Mountain Conference on British Studies in October, 1978.

References

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7 Ibid., pp. 106-109. See also Kirby, J.L., Henry IV of England (London, 1970), pp. 238242.Google Scholar

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30 Arundel considered himself archbishop from the moment he returned to England; Hook, Walter F., Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, 12 vols. (London, 18601876), 4:483Google Scholar; Henry's acceptance of him as archbishop was crucial in this regard. The Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. Bellaguet, M.L., 6 vols. (Paris, 18391852), 2:712713Google Scholar, says that during the invasion Henry restored Arundel “de facto” to Canterbury by the authority of certain bishops, since royal and ecclesiastical authority had been suspended.

31 Chronicle of John Hardyng, pp. 350, 352 n.

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36 “Histoire du Roy,” (Creton), pp. 140, 359.

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42 Ibid., p. 147; Chronicque de la Traison, pp. 50-52, 200-201.

43 McFarlane, , Lancastrian Kings, p. 52Google Scholar remarks that an oath on the host was “no mere formality for an archbishop.”

44 Richard made a number of promises to Arundel and Henry at the time of their exiles which he failed to honor.

45 Continuatio Eulogium, 3:361, 369370Google Scholar. McNiven, Peter, “Legitimacy and Consent: Henry IV and the Lancastrian Title, 1399-1406,” Mediaeval Studies 44 (1982):477CrossRefGoogle Scholar finds “no conclusive evidence that Richard II had given any guidance on the question of his successor,” for the Parliament Roll contains no evidence of this claim made by the chronicler. See also Bean, , “Henry IV,” p. 219 n. 46.Google Scholar

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54 Rotuli Partiamentorum, 3:415.Google Scholar

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59 Davies, John S., ed., An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richrd II, Henry IV, Henry V, and Henry VI, Camden Society 64 (1855):16Google Scholar; Continuatio Eulogium, 3:382Google Scholar where the meeting is incorrectly placed at Conway Castle.

60 Rotuli Parliamentorum, 4:3.Google Scholar

61 Ibid. 3:434 (for Richard's tyrannies, see pp. 417-422). Tuck, , Richard II, p. 1Google Scholar, says the king's most important problem in the fourteenth century was his relations with his nobility. They expected the king “to pay due regard to their interests and prejudices in his conduct of government.” If he did, they only advised and provided military leadership; if he did not, they might try to intervene and impose restraint on him.

62 Davies, , “After the Execution,” pp. 43, 45Google Scholar; idem, “Thomas Arundel,” p. 15.

63 Kirby, J.L., “Councils and Councillors of Henry IV, 1399-1413,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, 14 (1964):42CrossRefGoogle Scholar remarks: “Arundel was a conscientious archbishop, and his political ambitions probably took second place to his desire to administer his province in peace and protect his church from the Lollards.”

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65 Ibid., p. 13.

66 Kirby, , “Councils,” pp. 6165Google Scholar; attendance records are extant for only 247 days between November 11, 1399 and January 30, 1407, when Arundel became chancellor. Arundel appears on 68 of the lists; see also pp. 38-39 for a brief analysis of the proportion of these surviving records to the actual conciliar meetings.

67 Ibid., p. 42. “He was the leading member of the council during the whole reign with the exception of the two years, 1410 and 1411.…”

68 Public Record Office E 28/7; Kirby, “Councils,” p. 46.

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72 Johannis de Trokelowe, p. 399; Joan, countess of Hereford, wrote in October 1405, that she and her brother the archbishop had been slandered to the king; Legge, M. Dominica, ed., Anglo-Norman Letters and Petitions from All Souls Ms. 182 (Oxford, 1941), pp. 399400Google Scholar has suggested that this letter refers to suspicions arising from the Scrope uprising; her source (Wylie, James H., History of England under Henry the Fourth, 4 vols. (London, 18841898), 2:51Google Scholar) does not say this but refers instead to the duke of York's conspiracy. The letter might refer to either event. On the matter of the execution of Scrope—Henry's execution of Archbishop Scrope despite the pleas of Arundel need not indicate that Arundel had fallen from favor but simply that Henry, enraged at the continual revolts against his rule, had determined to stop uprisings and so made an example of Scrope; Kirby, , Henry IV, pp. 187188Google Scholar. Davies, , “After the Execution,” p. 45Google Scholar believes Arundel was “under a cloud” at the time of Scrope's execution.

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78 Davies, , “After the Execution,” p. 50.Google Scholar

79 Kirby, , “Councils,” p. 64.Google Scholar

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87 Giles, John A. ed., Incerti Scriptoris Chronicon Angliae de Regnis Trium Regum Lancastrensium Henrici IV, Henrici V, et Henrici VI (London, 1848), pp. 6263Google Scholar. The Continuatio Eulogium, 3:420421Google Scholar and An English Chronicle, p. 37 date this suggestion of abdication to 1413. Years later (1426) Beaufort did not specifically deny the charge that he had suggested abdication; Rotuli Parliamentorum, 4:298Google Scholar; Kingsford, Charles L., ed., The First English Life of Henry V (Oxford, 1911), p. xxiGoogle Scholar; idem, ed., Chronicles of London (Oxford, 1905), p. 92; see also Kirby, , Henry IV, p. 238.Google Scholar

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89 Kirby, , Henry IV, pp. 209210.Google Scholar

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91 Anstey, Henry, ed., Munimenta Academica, 2 vols. (London, 1868), 1:251252Google Scholar; see Salter, H.E., ed., Snappe's Formulary and Other Records, Oxford Historical Society 80(1924)Google Scholar for the story of the conflicts of Arundel and Oxford.

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