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Women and the Glorious Revolution*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 July 2014

Lois G. Schwoerer
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Extract

The role of women in revolutions has recently excited a good deal of scholarly interest. Innovative studies have appeared on women in the English Civil War, the French Revolution and the Russian Revolution that have not only rescued women from oblivion but also modified and enlarged understanding of the revolutions themselves. But for the English Revolution of 1688-89 there has been, aside from biographical studies of the two future queens, Mary and Anne, very little published work on the role of women. My purpose is to remedy that situation, and to broaden the inquiry by addressing four major questions: (1) what role did women from all social groups, lower, middle, aristocratic and royal, play in the Revolution: (2) why, in view of customary restraints, did they enter the public arena; (3) what influence did they have on the Glorious Revolution; and (4) what influence did the Revolution have on women? Underlying these queries is the basic question of what are the contextual conditions that encourage or even make possible women's participation in revolutions?

Such a topic requires changes in the questions customarily used in studying political history. If politics is defined in traditional terms simply as the competition for and exercise of power by individuals through their office, voting, and decision making, then there is nothing to say about women in the Glorious Revolution. Women, whatever their social status, had no direct access to the levers of conventionally-defined politics. They did not vote, sit in either house of Parliament, or hold office on any level of government, unless they were queens. In a predominantly patriarchal society, females, except for widows, were customarily subordinate to their fathers or husbands and confined to the sphere of the family and household.

Type
Research Article
Information
Albion , Volume 18 , Issue 2 , Summer 1986 , pp. 195 - 218
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference on British Studies 1986

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Footnotes

*

A version of this paper was presented at the Sixth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, June 1984. I have incurred many debts in assembling the scattered tracts written by women. I thank librarians at the following libraries and record offices for sending me photocopies: The Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University; Bodleian Library; British Library; Christ Church Library, Oxford University; Haverford College Library; Religious Society of Friends; John Rylands Library, University of Manchester; Trinity College Library, Cambridge University. I thank especially the Earl of Crawford and Balcarres for permission to photocopy material from his collection at the John Rylands Library. I am also grateful for courtesies extended to me at the Guildhall Library, the Corporation of London Record Office, and Sion College Library. I am indebted to Marie P.G. Draper, Archivist at the Bedford Office, London. I thank the Marquis of Tavistock for permission to use and quote from his family papers. I also want to acknowledge the ongoing assistance of the staff at the Folger Shakespeare Library. I am grateful to Gary D. DeKrey, JoAnne Moran, Gordon Schochet, Hilda Smith, and David Underdown for answering specific questions. I thank Hilda Smith and Barbara Taft for reading a version of this essay.

References

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2 Recent biographies are: Gregg, Edward, Queen Anne (London, 1980)Google Scholar; Hamilton, Elizabeth, William's Mary (London, 1972).Google Scholar

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18 See print of landing titled “Syn Hoogheyt vertreckt met de Vloot na Engeland den 11 November 1688,” in the collection at the Guildhall Library; and another in the British Library collection titled “Vertrek van zyn Koninglyke Hoogheid de Heer Prins van Orangen uit Holland den 11 November 1688.”

19 Henri, and Zee, Barbara van der, William and Mary (London, 1973), p. 253.Google Scholar

20 Van Terveen, J. G., ed., “Uittreksels uit het Bijzonder Verbaal, Nopens de Deputatie en Ambassade Daarop Gevolgd, in Engeland, 1689, Gehouden Door Mr. Nicolaas Witsen, Burgemeester te Amsterdam,” in Geschied-en Letterkundig Mengelwerk van Mr. Jacobus Scheltema, 3, pt. 2 (Utrecht, 1823), p. 136.Google Scholar

21 British Library, Add. Mss. 34, 487, f. 51.

22 See untitled print in British Library Print Room by Carolus Allard depicting the events of the Revolution, including Prince William's reception in London. With subtitles in Dutch and English. Printed in Amsterdam, n.d.

23 Morrice, Roger, “Entr'ing Book, Being an Historical Register of Occurrences from April, Anno, 1667 to April 1691,” 2:378Google Scholar. The original is in Dr. Williams's Library, London; I have used a photocopy.

24 Elinor James, Mrs. James's Reasons, and October the 20th, 1702. There are no references to these interviews in the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic (hereafter cited as C.S.P.D.).

25 Green, Emanuel, The March of William of Orange through Somerset, with a Notice of local events in the time of King James II. A.D. 1688 (London, 1892), pp. 73–74.Google Scholar

26 H. M. C., Manuscripts of the Marquess of Downshire Preserved at Easthampstead Park. Berks., Vol. 1, pt. 1 (London, 1924), p. 276Google Scholar: Robert Spencer, earl of Sunderland to Sir William Trumbull, 11 November 1687.

27 Sachse, William L., “The Mob and the Revolution of 1688,” Journal of British Studies 4(November 1964):35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 Anon., A Dialogue Between Dick and Tom concerning the present posture of Affairs in England (London, licensed Jan. 18, 1689), p. 4Google Scholar. The same point appeared in a despatch of Francesco Terriesi, envoy of the Grand Duke of Tuscany: see Jones, George H., “The Irish Fright of 1688: Real Violence and Imagined Massacres,” B.I.H.R. 55 (1982): 149Google Scholar. Hufton, , “Women in the Revolution, 1789-1796,” p. 100.Google Scholar

29 Levy, Darlene Gay, et. al., eds., Women in Revolutionary Paris, 1789-1795 (Urbana, 1979), p. 310.Google Scholar

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31 Cressy, David, Literacy and the Social Order: Reading and Writing in Tudor and Stuart England (Cambridge, 1980), p. 147.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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34 The “Dictionary of Quaker Biography” (a typescript) at Haverford College Library lists sources and a little data about Sowle. See especially Mortimer, R. S., “Biographical Notices of Printers and Publishers of Friends' Books up to 1750,” Journal of Documentation 3, 2 (Sept. 1947): 121–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 A Dialogue Between Dick and Tom, p. 10.

36 For the incident in the House of Lords, see Schwoerer, Lois G., “Press and Parliament in the Revolution of 1689,” Historical Journal 20 (1977):364–65.Google Scholar

37 Significanfly, 399 tracts, or approximately 57% of the material printed by women between 1641 and 1700, dealt with religious, political, and governmental affairs.

38 Behn wrote two congratulatory poems on the birth of King James II's son and within eight months wrote A Congratulatory poem on Her Sacred Majesty Queen Mary, upon her arrival in England. Goreau, , Reconstructing Aphra, pp. 240–252.Google Scholar

39 Rowe, Elizabeth Singer, Poems on Several Occasions (London 1696), pp. 27, 30–33Google Scholar. Goreau, , Reconstructing Aphra, p. 132Google Scholar 89 notes Philips' apology for writing about the execution of Charles I.

40 James, Elinor, Mrs. James's Reasons Humbly Presented to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal (London, 1715), p. 4.Google Scholar

41 See marriage license dated October 27, 1662 in Guildhall Library, Registry of the Bishop of London, Book 27, Ms. 10,091/26. Née Banks, Elinor lived in the parish of St. Olave, Silverstreet, London, where there was a large Presbyterian congregation, which may have stimulated her deep devotion to Anglicanism. Plomer, Henry R., A Dictionary of the Printers and Booksellers who were at work in England, Scotland and Ireland from 1668 to 1725 (Oxford, 1922), p. 129Google Scholar, errs in identifying Thomas James as the great grand-son of the Keeper. Elinor, who was named her husband's executrix, donated his library at his death to Sion College. The Library's Benefactor's Book, pp. 128-60 lists the titles in James's collection and the names of persons who contributed to the subscription for its care. Mrs. James asked that duplicates be returned to her and it was said that “some scores of folios and some hundreds of smaller books were returned.” See Nichols, John, Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century; Comprising Memoirs of William Bowyer, Printer, F.S.A., 9 vols. (London 1812), 1:308, n.3Google Scholar. The fate of Elinor's library is unknown; apparently she left no will.

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45 See Mack, Phyllis, “Women as Prophets During the English Civil War,” Feminst Studies 8 (1982): 19–47.Google Scholar

46 Elinor James, Vindication of the Church of England, preface.

47 James, Elinor, May It Please You Most Sacred Majesty (London, 1685)Google Scholar. Her daughter Elizabeth, was born in 1689, the year Elinor was arrested. A son, George (1683-1735), became London City Printer in 1724 and a common councilman. Thomas (1685-1738) was a typefounder, a man said to have been “universally acquainted with the nobility and dignified clergy.” Another son, James (d. 1746), was an architect who worked under Wren and Vanbrugh and in 1736 won appointment as principal surveyor of his majesty's works. See Dictionary of National Biography.

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53 Ibid., pp. 18, 19.

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56 Guildhall Library, Corporation of London Record Office, Newgate Sessions Book, SM60. Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs from September 1678 to April 1714, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1857), 1:617 noted her arrest.Google Scholar

57 C.S.P.D., June 1687-Feb. 1689, #2032.

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67 Chatsworth House, Mss. Letters, 50.0.

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77 Ibid., pp. 54-56.

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87 Ibid., p. 72.

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91 Mark Kishlansky's current work, not yet published, demonstrates the increase in the number of contested elections.

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105 Smith, Reason's Disciples, studies these women.

106 Kinnaird, Joan, “Mary Astell and the Conservative Contribution to English Feminism,” Journal of British Studies 19 (1975): 53–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Smith, , Reason's Disciples, pp. 131–137Google Scholar. A full-length biography by Ruth Perry is forthcoming.

107 Anon., The Hardships of the English Laws in Relationship to Wives. With an explanation of the original Curse of Subjection passed upon the Woman, in an humble address to the Legislature (London and Dublin, 1735), pp. 45, 47, 49, 50, 63, 68.Google Scholar