Historically, domestic dogs (Canis familiaris) have been documented as central features of Intermountain West and Great Plains Native American camps. Some of these dogs were bred specifically for largeness and stamina to haul travois and to carry pannier-style packs. Ethnographic accounts frequently highlight the importance of dogs in moving through the Intermountain West and the plains, reporting loads as heavy as 45 kg (100 lbs). We calculated body mass from skeletal morphometric data and used these to estimate prehistoric and historic dog load capacities for travois and pannier-style packs in the Intermountain West, Great Plains, and Great Basin. Specimens of large dogs recovered from sites in the Birch Creek Valley in Idaho and on the Great Plains indicate the animals could carry weights comparable to ethnographically recorded loads. Further, direct dating of the Birch Creek dog specimens indicated that dogs of this size have been present in the Intermountain West for more than 3,000 years. These data have important implications for our understanding of prehistoric mobility in the Intermountain West and the plains and suggest that the use of dogs in transporting cargo may have begun as early as 5,000 years ago.

The material remains of daily subsistence within Cherokee communities reflect strategies that households enacted while adapting to disruptions associated with European colonialism. Plant subsistence remains dating from the late Pre-Contact period through the end of the Revolutionary War (A.D. 1300–1783) reveal how Cherokee food producers! collectors fed their families as they navigated an increasingly uncertain landscape. Framing our analysis in terms of risk mitigation and future-discounting concepts from human behavioral ecology, we argue that Cherokee households responded to increasing risk and uncertainty by shifting towards subsistence strategies that had more immediate rewards. Although Cherokee plant subsistence remains exhibit continuity in how people farmed and foraged, our study shows that households made strategic decisions to alter their food production and collection with respect to looming uncertainty. Archaeobotanical analysis from multiple sites spanning the Colonial period (ca. A.D. 1670–1783) reveal a stepwise process of declining maize production, increased foraging, and overall diversification of the plant diet. This case underscores the relevance of concepts from human behavioral ecology to complex colonial situations by demonstrating that strategies of risk prevention and mitigation have applicability beyond ecological factors.

Over the past 30 years, the number of US doctoral anthropology graduates has increased by about 70%, but there has not been a corresponding increase in the availability of new faculty positions. Consequently, doctoral degree-holding archaeologists face more competition than ever before when applying for faculty positions. Here we examine where US and Canadian anthropological archaeology faculty originate and where they ultimately end up teaching. Using data derived from the 2014–2015 AnthroGuide, we rank doctoral programs whose graduates in archaeology have been most successful in the academic job market; identify long-term and ongoing trends in doctoral programs; and discuss gender division in academic archaeology in the US and Canada. We conclude that success in obtaining a faculty position upon graduation is predicated in large part on where one attends graduate school.

Health patterns in the Pueblo III (A.D. 1100-1225) population from Carter Ranch Pueblo were investigated in skeletal remains from 34 individuals. Childhood health disruptions were assessed using stature, linear enamel hypoplasias, and Harris lines. Periostitis, arthritis, anemia, trauma, and dental pathology were also observed. Although the low juvenile representation is probably an effect of age-biased mortuary practices, results suggest a healthy population compared to larger southwestern sites. Trauma levels at the site are quite high, possibly indicating burial practices differentiated on the ability to work or other health criteria. Additionally, a number of genetic anomalies are present, suggesting an isolated population.

The element-motif-layout framework of design analysis, which has dominated the study of prehistoric Southwestern ceramic decoration since the late 1930s, is shown to be ambiguous as a means of understanding and comparing such decoration. A new analytical approach is presented involving the isolation of design units based on comparative study of how design configurations are used in a style corpus of whole vessels. Application of the method and its usefulness in comparative stylistic studies, as well as potential usefulness in ceramic dating, are discussed.

Baker Village was a Fremont horticultural community occupied between about A.D. 1030 and 1250. The residents of Baker Village built at least five pithouses and seven aboveground storage structures arranged around a much larger, centrally located building. The spatial patterning of faunal remains indicates that more ungulate and leporid bones were recovered from floors, hearths, and middens in the Central Structure than in the pithouses and surface storage structures. These data may support the interpretation that private ceremonies or feasts were held inside the Central Structure. Together with evidence of community planning, reduced mobility, and relatively low population size, the data also indicate that an influence-based political hierarchy probably existed within Baker Village.

Criticisms of our model of the recent spread of Numic speakers into the Great Basin center on the ambiguity of linguistic evidence and apparent similarities between Numic and Prenumic settlement and subsistence patterns. We argue that the linguistic data are only one part of a larger body of ethnographic data that support the hypothesized spread of Numic speakers and that the adaptive similarities noted between Numic and Prenumic are only of the broadest sort and do not vitiate the assumptions of our model. In particular, we suggest that it is the intensity with which a resource is used, not the mere use of that resource, which is important in understanding competitive replacement among adaptive strategies.

All of the presently available and processed data from Meadowcroft Rockshelter indicate that the radiocarbon dates for middle and lower Stratum IIa are not discordant with either the associated fauna, flora, and artifacts or with the known geological history of the Cross Creek drainage. Consequently, it is reiterated that the earliest occupations at this locality still represent the best evidence recovered to date for the presence of pre-Clovis or pre-fluted point populations in the New World. It is further suggested that a maintenance of the "Clovis primacy syndrome" is both anachronistic and futile.

The field of California archaeology has long been considered an example of unproductive and timeless culture. This judgment has hardly been a fair one, yet the fault lay not with the anthropological public but rather with the local archaeologists, since field work was rare, intermittent, and unplanned. No scientific institution has ever found it possible or deemed it advisable to institute a long-term archaeological survey of the area. However, the past ten years have seen the recording of sufficient data to demand a retraction of the older viewpoint which offered little promise in future work. In 1929, David Banks Rogers published his volume on the archaeology of the Santa Barbara region; Olson's preliminary report followed a year later. Both treatises are in essential agreement as to the type and succession of prehistoric cultures on the Santa Barbara coast.

Despite ranking at the low end of the continuum in net caloric benefit relative to other foods, small seeds assumed great dietary importance in many parts of the world, including western North America. In a series of publications, Adovasio (1970a, 1974, 1980, 1986) argued that coiled basketry technology was invented in the eastern Great Basin during the early Holocene as a specialized food-processing technique. Coiled baskets are indeed useful for collecting and processing seeds, but it does not necessarily follow that they were originally designed for this purpose. A whole basket recently discovered at Cowboy Cave in southeastern Utah returned an AMS radiocarbon assay of 7960 ± 50 B.P., making it currently the earliest directly dated coiled basket from the Americas. This basket is not a parching tray and likely had nothing to do with harvesting seeds. We discuss the implications of this find with regard to tracking the temporal spread of coiled basketry technology in western North America and the role of coiled and twined forms in the initiation of small seed exploitation. Coiled and twined baskets for small seed processing may result from reconfiguration of existing technologies to create novel forms suited to a new food exploitation strategy.

Archaeological thought is dynamic. It progresses toward new goals, or veers from one to another and, as the pendulum of orthodoxy swings, the archaeologists' perception of what constitute appropriate foci for research changes with almost every student generation. Given such change and variation, it is small wonder that trends and events of the past rapidly grow dim in the discipline's collective memory; or that current trends are often taken for granted (particularly by students) as being fixed and immutable.

Multivariate statistical techniques such as factor analysis are capable of producing patterned results with most, if not all, data matrices. This paper demonstrates that patterned results are obtainable when principal component analysis is applied to a random data set. It is suggested that Bartlett's test for the statistical significance of a correlation matrix be employed in deciding whether a factor analysis of the matrix is justified.

This paper considers two recently developed mathematical techniques in archaeological seriation. Both techniques take as given, a similarity matrix between the objects to be ordered. The first method is a "linkage" procedure, while the second (and preferred) is an "averaging" procedure. The second method, though a bit more mathematical, has been very successful in application to real data. Both techniques have several good features which will be considered. For both illustrative and comparative purposes, the methods have been applied to several sets of archaeological data considered by other researchers. As the comparisons will show, the results have been surprisingly good. More specifically, for such comparisons to be made, a criterion for comparing the "goodness" of different serial orders for a particular set of data is of great interest. A criterion, or "goodness of fit" index of this type will be developed and interpreted as well as used for the comparisons of interest. Lastly, a section is devoted to more general discussion of what sorts of data are suitable for reduction by seriation techniques.

Read's (1974) discussion of contingency table analysis is amplified. Procedures for model formulation and testing advocated by Fienberg (1970) and Goodman (1968, 1969, 1970) are outlined, contrasted, and used to analyze a corpus of archaeological data. It is argued that Fienberg's approach is better suited to situations in which the behavior of the data can be accurately predicted within fairly narrow limits. The Goodman approach is more appropriate to situations in which the behavior of the data is completely unknown.

Skeletal material from high and low status interments at Monte Alban, Oaxaca, is used to evaluate the biocultural relationship between the two samples. Analyses of sex ratios, and metric and nonmetric variables fail to demonstrate a significant difference between the two groups, and suggest that class endogamy was unlikely. Analysis of the age structure of the samples provides evidence for a significant difference; social mobility and status achievement are suggested. Models of the growth and development of Monte Alban are evaluated in light of the biocultural analyses.

A model consisting of a sequence of 4 interrelated hypotheses is presented as a framework within which exploitation of animal populations by Middle Mississippi groups can be considered. Faunal data recovered from a series of 7 Middle Mississippi sites is presented to facilitate the development of the model. The model proposes that Middle Mississippi exploitation of animal populations was selective, was seasonally oriented, and was concentrated on those sections of the biotic community that would provide a maximum meat yield with a minimum of effort.

The massively fortified ceremonial center of La Quemada on the northern mesoamerican frontier has long been thought to date primarily to the Postclassic period. New evidence now supports the contention that La Quemada's florescence was earlier and perhaps longer than previously recognized. Four lines of evidence support this conclusion: (1) reevaluation of Armillas’ published 14C dates, (2) regional survey data, (3) new 14C dates from excavations on a large village site near La Quemada, and (4) recent chronological refinements in the Chalchihuites area for identifying the temporal position of tradewares. Several implications of this are discussed in terms of mesoamerican core-periphery relations.

In a recent synthesis of style theory, Carr (1995) proposed a model based on attribute hierarchies, which reveal social patterns. The present study applies Carr's model of style to a large sample of bicymbal copper ear spools, a diagnostic “Hopewell” artifact class of the Middle Woodland period (ca. 150 B.C.—A.D. 400) in eastern North America. After ear spool attributes are defined and ranked for their visibility, a seriation of the ear spools is developed and tested for time and space correlations. Results are consistent with the interpretation that the size of social groups participating in ritual events increased over time, while the technical requirements for ear spool durability decreased. The “visibility” of ear spool attributes relates to patterns of group interaction at the level of the site, sub-region and region, thus supporting Carr's model. The model has limitations when bridging from archaeological data to ethnographic interpretations, although our results indicate that exchange of finished goods and technology was less important within the context of the Hopewell Interaction Sphere than the construction of Hopewell ideologies.

While the North American archaeological record signals the presence of early humans along the northeastern Pacific coast by the Late Pleistocene, we know little about the technological systems employed by these coastally oriented colonizing groups. We here report the discovery of the earliest unequivocal evidence for the use and manufacture of shell fishhooks in the western hemisphere. Four single-piece shell fishhooks dating to the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene transition (between ~11,300 and 10,700 cal B.P.) have been excavated on Isla Cedros, Baja California, Mexico. One hook is directly dated at 9495 ± 25 B.P. with a marine reservoir–corrected age of 11,165–9185 cal B.P. Radiocarbon ages associated with three other shell fishhooks range between 8900 ± 25 B.P. and 10,415 ± 25 B.P, while median ages for the earliest contexts confirm occupation of the island by at least 12,600–12,000 cal B.P. The stratigraphic levels from which the fishhooks were recovered contained a diverse assemblage of fish remains, including deepwater species, indicative of boat use. Thus, some of the earliest known inhabitants of the Pacific coast of the Americas employed shell hook and line technology for offshore marine fishing at least by the Pleistocene-Holocene transition, if not earlier.

In the rugged uplands of eastern Kentucky, archaeological evidence of pre-maize plant cultivation is largely absent from stream bottom locations, being concentrated instead within upland rockshelters. Some researchers have hypothesized that the apparent failure of early food producers to exploit rich bottomland soils was an economically sound response to the shortcomings of local stream valley habitats. Instead, seed crop farmers favored hillsides and ridgetops, which were less costly to clear and maintain under cultivation than narrow and densely vegetated stream bottoms. We analyze the goodness of fit between hypothetical upland and lowland cultivation systems and new evidence for human interaction with plant communities and the agricultural potential of soils. Seed and wood assemblages indicate a temporal association between increased human interaction with lowland plant communities, higher levels of habitat disturbance, and greater reliance on cultivated plants. However, there is no convincing evidence that plant cultivation caused disturbance and exploitation of lowlands. Expansion of mesic and hydric habitats was in part a response to increased precipitation and frequency and severity of flooding. Floodplains became largely unsuitable for human habitation, contributing to more intensive exploitation of uplands. While ridgetops and steep slopes were both poor locations for cultivated plots, other upland soils on limestone benches also had good agricultural potential, as did the soils on lower colluvial slopes.