Ortloff, Moseley, and Feldman fail to understand the basics of canal hydraulics and irrigation hydrology. They estimate nonpermissible velocities, calculate a critical state of flow, and assume a discharge without considering the field requirements. Their claim that tectonic movements caused canal abandonment is rejected. There is no geomorphological evidence for such events. Other research is described which indicates that the canal was designed with a stable channel and was intended to transport the required discharge to state fields. Its breakdown is attributed to the effect of a large discharge flowing down a steep slope.

The Late Pithouse period in the Mimbres Mogollon region of southwestern New Mexico was a dynamic time during which many social changes occurred. One of the more significant of these changes appears to be related to the role of land-holding kin groups at some of the larger pithouse sites. We present bioarchaeological data from our recent excavations at the Harris Site in the Mimbres River Valley to illustrate that certain kin groups were gaining social power compared to others in the village. We discuss the reasons for these power differentials and the implications that they have for understanding the myriad other social changes occurring valley-wide at the end of the Pithouse period.

To understand the implications of archaeological site recording practices and associated inventories for studying Indigenous persistence after the arrival of Europeans, we examined the documentary record associated with nearly 900 archaeological sites in Marin County, California. Beginning with the first regional surveys conducted during the early 1900s and continuing into the present, the paper trail created by archaeologists reveals an enduring emphasis on precontact materials to the exclusion of more recent patterns of Indigenous occupation and land use. In assessing sites occupied by Indigenous people from the late sixteenth through the mid-twentieth centuries, we discuss how the use of multiple lines of evidence—including temporally diagnostic artifacts, chronometric dating techniques, and historical documentation—may help illuminate subtle but widespread patterns of Native presence that have been obscured by essentialist assumptions about Indigenous culture change. Our findings further reveal the shortcomings of traditional site recording systems, in which archaeologists typically categorize sites within the prehistoric-protohistoric-historic triad on the basis of commonsense decisions that conflate chronology with identity. Instead, we argue for recording practices that focus specifically on the calendric ages of occupation for any given site.

In a recent volume of American Antiquity, Hodder and Cessford (2004) suggested that various aspects of the domestic architecture at Çatalhöyük reflect a concern for the construction of social memory and social regulations through daily, habituated practices. The authors note that domestic architecture provides a locus for the construction of social memory in ethnographically documented “house societies” (e.g., Carsten and Hugh-Jones 1995; Joyce and Gillespie 2000) and imply that a similar pattern was prevalent during the Neolithic at Çatalhöyük. While not disputing the general premises of this suggestion, I argue that ethnoarchaeological work in two house societies in Indonesia ( West Sumba and Tana Toraja) can provide further, more detailed insight and some alternate perspectives on the social system of Neolithic Çatalhöyük, particularly in relation to notions of “daily practice” and the critical role of feasting in these societies.

Controversy has surrounded the All American Man pictograph in southeast Utah since its discovery in the 1950s. Its coloration, similar to the flag of the United States of America, has led to questions regarding its authenticity. We have obtained two radiocarbon values on a single sample comprised of pigmented sandstone fragments from one small area of this pictograph. They suggest the pictograph dates to the fourteenth century and indicate that it is an authentic, prehistoric pictograph, probably Anasazi in origin.

Sea level has been rising over the past 4 millennia along the coast of northern New England, but the rate of rise has been faster in the direction of the Bay of Fundy. In any given locality, the rate of rise has been steadily slowing during that time. These and other concurrent changes have complicated the study of shifts in prehistoric cultural ecology. This paper utilizes archaeological data from 2 important localities to unravel the complex interaction of evolving technology, changing sea level, shifts in marine resources, and probable changes in terrestrial flora and fauna over time. Locally specific natural limitations on cultural options are discussed.

At the former habitation sites of aboriginal Indians considerable animal refuse must have been discarded close to their tents or houses. This material would have been largely composed of animal and bird bones, fish remains, and so on, rich in phosphorous. Accumulations of these wastes would have been left behind after abandoning the place, to slowly decay and percolate into the soil by rainwater.

In the humid regions, the visible evidence of such remains may have long since disappeared on an old campsite; however, the soil must have been enriched in phosphorus, and this enrichment might still be ascertainable by soil analysis.

J. A. Ford has recently (1959) offered a revision of the traditional view on Canadian Thule culture origins. He suggests that Canadian Thule is not derived directly from Birnirk, but that the eastern Thule migrants were contemporaries of the post-Birnirk Nunagiak stage. The further revised hypotheses of this paper are based on data generally unavailable for Ford's analysis. These hypotheses state that: (a) by A.D. 900 Birnirk existed as far east as Amundsen Gulf, (b) a Nunagiak-like culture was carried to Victoria Island, (c) the Birnirk-Nunagiak development occurred generally along these coasts, (d) a proto-Thule stage existed about A.D. 900-1100 between Birnirk and Nunagiak, and (e) this proto-Thule, developing into Canadian Thule in transit, spread across the eastern Arctic, entering Greenland by A.D. 1100.

The practice of seasonal transhumance was a central feature of the Desert culture of the western Great Basin. Ethnographic studies have provided us with considerable knowledge of the land-use and seasonal rounds of protohistoric groups such as the Kuzedika Paiute of Mono Lake, California. Archaeology carries ethnography backward in time, indicating that Paiute sites were formerly utilized by a long succession of predecessors, most of whom were generalized Desert culture gatherers who hunted on the side.

An analysis of projectile points from the Sierra piedmont indicates that Desert culture peoples ranged very high and were upland hunters at certain seasons. On the other hand, the earliest people were valley and grassland hunters. Recent discoveries of both Clovis and Folsom artifacts in the stream valleys of Nevada and California point to a pre-Desert culture way of life, with an emphasis on big meat rather than on seeds, roots, insects, and rodents. The transition from this early hunting of large, grassland herbivores to later general collecting and to seasonal transhumance appears to represent an unbroken evolution. These changes are shown by intergrading point types which constitute part of the data in this study.

Nance intended to demonstrate that certain small, bifacially chipped obsidian artifacts from the California Late horizon were used for cutting purposes, and were therefore not projectile points. However, both categories of edge abrasion noted by Nance, attrition and striation, may also appear on the edges of bifacially flaked artifacts during the process of manufacture. The purpose of abrading a biface edge is to strengthen the edge preparatory to pressure or percussion flaking. Criteria to distinguish edge abrasion during manufacture from abrasion deriving from use are presented.

This article quantifies the rate at which women archaeologists are present and retained in university departments. Drawing on publicly available data, we examine gender representation in (1) doctorates earned between 2002–2003 and 2016–2017; (2) Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) grant applications and awards at the doctoral to senior levels between 2003 and 2017; (3) tenure-stream faculty at Canadian universities in 2019; and (4) placement of Canadian PhDs in the United States. These data demonstrate that women today represent two-thirds of all Canadian doctorates in archaeology, but only one-third of Canadian tenure-stream faculty, although not all archaeologists choose an academic career. In the last 15 years, women with Canadian PhDs have been hired into tenure-track positions in Canada at rates statistically lower than men, but at higher rates in the United States. Women apply for SSHRC archaeology grants in equal proportion to their presence, but men are awarded at a slightly higher rate. We end by discussing the possible reasons for this gendered attrition, including a “chilly climate”—that is, subtle practices that stereotype, exclude, and devalue women, as well as inhospitable working environments, particularly for primary caregivers. We warn that the current COVID-19 pandemic is likely to exacerbate these existing inequalities.

Engraved and carved bone and stone artifacts capture our imaginations and are known worldwide from archaeological contexts, but they are seemingly rare and oftentimes difficult to recognize. While preservation issues play a role in the limited recovery of early art objects, research on incised stones and bone from the Gault site in Texas demonstrates that an expectation to find such artifacts plays a key role in their identification and recovery. The presence of incised stones found by collectors at Gault alerted archaeologists to the potential for finding early art in systematic excavations. To date, 11 incised stones and one engraved bone of Paleoindian age (13,000–9,000 calibrated years before present) have been recovered and of these, the Clovis artifacts are among the earliest portable art objects from secure context in North America. The presence of incised stone and bone at Gault led to the development of an examination protocol for identifying and analyzing engraved and incised artifacts that can be applied to a wide variety of archaeological contexts.

Radiocarbon dates from caves and shellmounds in central and southern Brazil indicate occupation extending over a 10,000-year period, during which major climatic changes occurred. Correlation of these dates with geologic context of the sites indicates a close agreement with the theoretical climatic fluctuation and changes of sea level proposed by Fairbridge.

Beads made from Gulf of California dwarf olive shells (Olivella dama) have recently been identified from the Spiro site in eastern Oklahoma. This is the first evidence from Spiro of culture contact to the west. The beads, previously identified as Olivella nivea, are important because O. dama originates in the Gulf of California while O. nivea is from the Gulf of Mexico. An overview of Olivella beads from Plains sites reveals a mixture of shell beads originating from the Gulf of Mexico, the Pacific Ocean, and the Gulf of California. The presence of western Olivella beads at Spiro and other Plains sites supports an intensification of trade between Puebloan and Plains peoples during Late Prehistoric times at about A.D. 1400 or slightly earlier, but there is no evidence for strong cultural ties to the west. Olivella beads occur at sites east of the Mississippi River, and these need to be identified to determine coast of origin.

This brief review is intended to acquaint the reader with recent research and thought on the European Mesolithic. The period is characterized by hunter-gatherer adaptations between the close of the Pleistocene and the introduction of food production. A number of developments support an argument for a rapid intensification of human subsistence and settlement practices and organization, prior to the utilization of domesticated plants and animals.

Traditional approaches to the analysis of skeletal representation in faunal assemblages that employ correlation analyses work well when there is a linear or curvilinear relationship or no relationship at all between the variables under investigation. However, in taphonomic applications in zooarchaeology, these approaches can mask meaningful variation in certain cases where the relationship between the causal variable and skeletal-part representation is one of limitation rather than absolute determination. Such relationships are typified by triangular distributions of points in scatter plots. Using fuzzy-set theory, these relationships can be interpreted more comprehensively by distinguishing necessity and sufficiency relationships between the causal variable and skeletal part representation. Graphs in which data points are distributed in a triangle in the lower-right part of the scatter plot are consistent with an interpretation of necessity, while graphs where data points are distributed in an upper-left triangle are consistent with an interpretation of sufficiency. Such interpretations parallel transport strategies inferred from graphs of utility and representation, and can be applied profitably to graphs of density and representation. In some cases, this leads not only to refinement of the interpretation of density effects, but also to retrieval of economic evidence that might otherwise be overlooked.

Antithetical premises of a static versus dynamic Andean landscape produce contradictory interpretations of the Chicama-Moche Intervalley Canal. On a static landscape, inoperable canal gradients must be explained by social parameters such as poor surveying or construction techniques. The paradigm of Plate Tectonics and evidence of ongoing crustal convergence support an alternative premise of continuous, gradual landscape alteration and ground slope change. This premise provides a physical explanation for why abandoned canals often exhibit uphill gradients and ancient monuments are frequently not level. However, this premise also requires that complex methods in the engineering analysis of slope-altered structures be made explicit. Assessment of landscape alteration utilizes basic principles of physical geology, but their application to a particular study area must take local conditions into consideration. Similarly, analysis of the hydraulic properties of an irrigation canal utilizes basic principles of fluid dynamics, but local conditions must be considered in deciding which formulas to use and how to apply them. Improper application of geological principles and hydraulic equations has led our critics to incorrect results.

Two recent series of radiocarbon analyses, from Muaco and Rancho Peludo in western Venezuela, would seem at first glance to provide the oldest dates in the New World for stone projectile points and for pottery respectively. However, both series raise problems of interpretation. The Muaco dates may refer to one of several pre-projectile-point complexes, rather than to the El Jobo complex, which has projectile points; and the earliest Rancho Peludo dates may pertain to an occupation of that site by Paleo-Indians of the Manzanillo complex, prior to the ceramic occupation.

Research conducted since the 1976 publication of Society for American Archaeology Memoir 31, Paleoeskimo Problems (Maxwell 1976a) indicates that variability in the early Arctic Small-Tool tradition (ASTt) is greater than described previously. Three questions dominate the interpretation of early ASTt remains in the central Canadian Arctic: Are the remains affiliated with the Independence I or the Pre-Dorset variants? What are the affects of seasonal mobility on the Paleoeskimo archaeological record? Does the core-area model have any remaining utility? Evidence from six Arctic Island locations indicates that Pre-Dorset and Independence I are not clearly separated temporally and stylistically. Functional analyses that consider the meaning of relevant attributes are required. Sources of variability include seasonality, local physiography and climate, and postabandonment processes. The complexity of the early ASTt record is not explained through pure historical particularism.