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Labor Parties in Japan1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2014

Kenneth Colegrove
Kenneth Colegrove*
Affiliation:
Northwestern University
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Extract

One of the results of the passage of the manhood suffrage law of 1925 in Japan has been the rise of proletarian parties and the election of eight of their candidates as members of the Diet. In the House of Representatives these new members find themselves in the company of half a dozen minor parties and a group of independents, alternately ignored and courted by the two major parties. Their appearance coincides with a time when liberal opinion in Japan favors the two-party rather than the multiple-party system. But the economic significance of the new parties has saved them from the aspersion of merely adding to the confusion of minor groups. Moreover, the failure of Japanese liberals to develop a great party of liberalism invites a new association to seize a vantage ground so long unoccupied.

On the eve of the general election of 1928 the founders of the proletarian parties had reason to hope that careful strategy in the campaign would give the new parties a good start upon the same road that led the Labor party in Great Britain to the leadership of the parliamentary opposition and finally into office. The manhood suffrage act had increased the electorate from 3,341,000 to 12,534,360. Among the nine million new voters are included practically all the male factory toilers and agricultural workers. Here, indeed, is a rich field for proletarian vote-getting.

Type
Research Article
Information
American Political Science Review , Volume 23 , Issue 2 , May 1929 , pp. 329 - 363
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1929

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Footnotes

1

All translations of Japanese sources in this article were made by Mr. Sterling Tatsuji Takeuchi.

References

2 For instance, the veteran statesman, Ozaki-Yukio, in defending his bill forbidding contributions to candidates, in the House of Representatives, recently said: “Parties spend considerable sums of money in ordinary times, and millions of yen at general elections. This is an open secret. The foremost capitalists in Japan are but purveyors to the government. The Mitsui and the Mitsubishi are the conspicuous examples. Most of these plutocrats serve the parties, and, on the other hand, if you examine their wealth, you will find that more than half of it has been made by this service. It is difficult for the parties to raise these millions of yen except by contributions from the plutocrats. And thus men of spotless integrity conspire with a few capitalists for election expenses, and when their party takes office they feel bound to reciprocate.” Kwampo gogai (Imperial Gazette, extra), Feb. 2, 1927, p. 10. The Mitsui family, to which Ozaki refers, is one of the oldest of the “millionaire families.” They control large houses engaged in banking, trading, shipping, mining, and steelworks, ranking in the order named. The Mitsubishi interests include shipbuilding, mining, steelworks, and banking. For an illuminating survey of the economic forces that rule politics, see Takahashi-Kamekichi, , Nippon Shihon Shugi Hattatsu-shi, or History of Capitalism in Japan (Tokyo, 1928), p. 175–186Google Scholar.

3 Jiji Shimpo, Jan. 25, 1927, p. 2Google Scholar; Tokyo Asahi, March 6, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar; Osaka Mainichi, Nov. 7, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar.

Cf. Tokyo Asahi, March 6, 1928, p. 4Google Scholar; Nichi-nichi Shimbun, March 4, 1928, p. 4Google Scholar; Fusen Dai-ichiji no Sosenkyo Keika (First General Election under the Universal Suffrage Act), May 15, 1928, p. 3Google Scholar. The latter document is published by the Shin Nippon Domei Chosabu, or Research Department of the New Japan Union of Tokyo, a non-partisan scientific organization.

5 Cf. ProfessorAbe-Isoo, in Shakai Minshūto Koryo Kaisetsu, or Explanation of the Principles of the Shakai Minshūto (Tokyo, 1927), p. 6Google Scholar.

6 Okura-sho Dai Gojusan-kai Nempo, or Treasury Department: 53rd Annual Report (Tokyo, 1928), p. 146Google Scholar.

7 Compare a writer in the Osaka Asahi, March 4, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar. One exception to the general lack of class consciousness is found in the eta, or outcasts, nearly 1,200,000 in number, who are partially organized in the Suiheisha, or Equality Society.

8 Naimu Tokei-kyoku: Rodo Tokei Yoran, or Home Office, Bureau of Statistics: Abstract of Labor Statistics (1928), p. 6Google Scholar. Cf. Rodo Nenkan, or Labor Year Book (1926), published by the Nippon Eodo Sodomei and Sangyo Rodo Chosasho, p. 11Google Scholar.

9 The expenses must not exceed an amount equal to forty sen per voter for the average number of qualified voters in the district. The total amount that a candidate may spend is determined in the following manner: the number of qualified voters is divided by the number of members returned by the district; then forty sen is multiplied by this quotient. Genko Horei Shuran, or Compilation of Laws and Ordinances in Force (1927), I, bk. ii, pp. 16–17Google Scholar.

10 See a statement by Tabuchi-Toyokichi, in Kwampo gogai, May 4, 1928, p. 77Google Scholar. For statistics on election violations, see Saka-Senshu, and Miyake-Masataro, , Futsu Senkyo Yoko, or Commentary on Universal Suffrage Law (Tokyo, 1927)Google Scholar. A charge was made in the Chuo Koron for March, 1928, that Uchida-Nobuya, in the election of 1924, spent 500,000 yen and purchased votes at the price of 100 to 150 yen per vote. Japan Weekly Chronicle, March 8, 1928, p. 281Google Scholar. Cf. Ishikawa-Rokuro, , “Internal Scandals of the Political Parties,” Kaizo, Oct., 1928, pp. 72–78Google Scholar.

11 Professor Abe's election expenses totaled only 5,610 yen. Contributions to the amount of 8,500 were received from admirers even outside of Japan. Tokyo Asahi, March 4, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Japan Weekly Chronicle, March 8, 1928, p. 283Google Scholar.

12 Rodo Nenkan, 1926, p. 48.

13 Specific charges were made in the Diet. Kwampo gogai, April 27, and 29, 1928, pp. 19–29, 32–35, 38, 68–69Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 3 and 10, 1928, pp. 538, 540, 542, 567Google Scholar.

14 Aso-Hisashi, , “The Desperate Battle at Ashio,” in Kaizo, April, 1928, pp. 21–32Google Scholar. This article is considerably deleted; omission signs indicate the gaps caused by the government censor. Aso is the founder of the Nippon Ronoto, or Japanese Labor-Farmer party. A graphic account of the Ashio contest is given in the Tokyo Asahi, Feb. 16, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

15 Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, March 8, 1928, p. 285Google Scholar.

16 Genko Horei Shuran (1927), I, bk. ii, p. 12Google Scholar.

17 VOTE IN FIRST DISTRICT OF KANAGAWA-KEN IN GENERAL ELECTION OF 1928

This chart is constructed from statistics taken from Fusen Dai-ichiji no Sosenkyo Keika, May 15, 1928, p. 52Google Scholar.

18 These districts are: Tokyo, first, second, and third; Niigata, second; Kanagawa, first and second; Osaka, first and fourth; and Hyogo, second. Cf. Suski-Shigeto, , “Election Agreements and the Union of the Proletarian Parties,” Kaizo, April, 1928, p. 127Google Scholar.

19 Compare the articles of Tadokoro-Teruaki, , Susuki-Shigeto, , and Inomata-Tsunao, in Kaizo, April, 1928, pp. 120–129Google Scholar; and the symposium, “Is the United Fighting Front of Proletarian Parties Possible?,” Chuo Koron, Oct., 1928, pp. 75–88Google Scholar.

20 “Separating Point between the Right and the Left,” Kaizo, April, 1926, p. 73Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 6, 1926, p. 530Google Scholar.

21 Katayama-Sen, , The Labor Movement in Japan (Chicago, 1918), p. 36Google Scholar.

22 Professor Abe's account of this party is found in the Kaikoku Gojunen-shi, or Fifty Years of New Japan (ed. Fukushima-Yasoroku, ), II, pp. 956–982Google Scholar. Cf. Sakai-Toshihiko, , “History of Japanese Socialist Movement,” Kaizo, Feb., 1929, pp. 86–100Google Scholar; March, 1929, pp. 46–60. Probably the first attempt to found a Marxian socialist party was that of Tarui-Tokichi, who formed the Shakaito, or Socialist party, at Nagasaki in 1882, promptly suppressed by the government.

23 Suzuki-Bunji, , “History of the Labor Movement in Japan,” in Shakai Keizai Tai-kei, or Cyclopedia of Sociology and Economics (Tokyo, 1927), III, p. 271Google Scholar.

24 Hayaski-Fusao, , “Students' Social Science Activities,” Kaizo, Jan., 1925, pp. 276–280Google Scholar; Aso-Hisashi, “Social Movements among the Students,” Ibid., Sept., 1925, pp. 162–170; Akamatsu-Katsumaro, “Historical Sketch of the Shinjinkai,” Ibid., June, 1928, pp. 68–74. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Oct. 1, 1925, p. 420Google Scholar.

25 Art. i of this law reads: “To organize an association with the object of changing the fundamental character of the state or to deny the system of private property, or to join such an association with knowledge of the nature of its purpose, shall be punished by imprisonment of not more than ten years.” Genko Horei Shuran, II, bk. x, p. 17Google Scholar. The Chian Keisatsuho, passed in 1900 and amended in 1926, provides in Art. viii: “In case an association falls within the categories of Section 1, the Minister of Home Affairs may prohibit the same. However, in this case, if a person claim an infringement of his rights by alleged illegal acts, he may bring suit in the administrative court.” Genko Horei Shuran. II, bk. x, p. 16Google Scholar.

26 Tokyo Asahi, March 15, 1925, p. 2Google Scholar; March 26, 1925, p. 7; April 16, 1925, p. 11. For this phase of the labor movement, see Matsuoka-Komakichi, “The Truth about the Rodo Sodomei Dissension,” and Yamamoto-Kenzo, , “Our Point of View,” Kaizo, June, 1925, pp. 139–143, 145–148Google Scholar. Cf. Rodo Nenkan, 1925, pp. 74–76Google Scholar, and Nippon Rodo Nenkan, 1926, published by the Ohara Shakai Mondai Kenkyusho, or Ohara Institute for Social Research, p. 218Google Scholar.

27 Rodo Nenkan, 1925, pp. 132–140. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Jan. 17 and 24, 1924, pp. 79, 121Google Scholar; Oct. 23, 1924, p. 575; Dec. 26, 1924, p. 856.

28 For instance, favorable action was taken by the Kwanto Domei. Tokyo Ashai, Oct. 6, 1924, p. 4Google Scholar. The agency of the intellectuals in promoting a proletarian party at this time was the Seiji Kenkyukai, or Society for the Study of Politics. Cf. Shimanaka-Yuzo, , “Organization of the Seiji Kenkyukai,” Kaizo, Jan., 1925, pp. 254–258Google Scholar; Aono-Kikichi, “Origin of the Proletarian Parties," Ibid., June, 1925, pp. 104–111; “The Proletarian Party,” Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 30, 1925, pp. 549–550Google Scholar.

29 “Rise and Growth of the Proletarian Parties,” Kaizo, June 1925, p. 75Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, June 4, 1925, p. 706Google Scholar.

30 For accounts of the preliminary meetings of the Nomin Rodoto see a symposium on “Problems of Nomin Rodoto,” Kaizo, Jan., 1926, pp. 31–58Google Scholar. The article by Koiwai-Akira entitled “Preparatory Period of the Nomin Rodoto” is particularly noteworthy. Cf. Abe-Isoo, , “Rise and Growth of the Proletarian Parties,” Kaizo, June, 1925, p. 75–82Google Scholar.

31 Nippon Rodo Nenkan, 1926, p. 262. Cf. Tokyo Asahi, Nov. 30, Dec. 1, and 2, 1925, pp. 1, and 2Google Scholar. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 10, 1925, p. 742Google Scholar.

32 Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 4 and 6, 1925, p. 4Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 10, 1925, p. 747Google Scholar.

33 Tokyo Asahi, March 5, and 6, 1926, pp. 3, and 5Google Scholar; Nippon Rodo Nenkan, 1927, p. 145Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, March 11, 1926, p. 296Google Scholar.

34 Tokyo Asahi, July 6,1926, p. 2Google Scholar; Japan Weekly Chronicle, July 8, 1926, p. 40Google Scholar; Oct. 28, 1926, p. 515. Cf. Tsuyama, , The Present Condition of the Nippon Nominto,” Kaiho, Dec, 1926, pp. 15–16Google Scholar.

35 Tokyo Asahi, April 19, and 20, 1926, p. 2Google Scholar; Jiji Shimpo, April 20, 1926, p. 4Google Scholar. Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 29, 1926, p. 503Google Scholar. The four organizations were the Nippon Rodo Kumiai Hyogikai, or Japanese Council of Trade Unions; the Musansha Kyoiku Domei, or Proletarian Educational League; the Suiheisha Musan Domei, or Suiheisha Proletarian League; and the Zenkoku Musan Seinen Domei, or All-Japanese Proletarian Young Men's Union. For accounts of the dispute from the pens of Abe, Akamatsu, Oyama, Aso, and Yamakawa, see Kaizo, Dec, 1926, pp. 51–69Google Scholar, and Chuo Koron, Dec. 1926, pp. 105–136Google Scholar.

37 For accounts of the inauguration of the Shakai Minshūto, see Jiji Shimpo, Nov. 20, 1926, p. 2Google Scholar; Dec. 5, 1926, p. 2; Tokyo Asahi, Nov. 21, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar, Dec. 5, 1926, p. 2; Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 2, 1926, p. 664Google Scholar. The Chinese characters in the words “Shakai Minshuto” (the party of 1901) indicate a socialist party dedicated to the mastership of the people; while the characters in the words "Shakai Minshūto” (the present party) imply simply a socialist party for and by the masses, or people. The latter name avoids any charge of disrespect to the Emperor.

38 Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 10, 1926, p. 5Google Scholar. A translation of the account of Suzuki-Bunji regarding the defection of Aso from the ranks of the Federation, originally published in the Jiji Shimpo, is found in the Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 16, 1926, p. 721Google Scholar.

39 Cf. “Disruption of the Rodo Nominto is not a Catastrophe,” Kaizo, Dec, 1926, p. 52Google Scholar. See also Yoshino-Sakuzo, , “The Road to be Taken by our Proletarian Parties,” Chuo Koron, Jan., 1927, pp. 167–223Google Scholar.

40 The platform is published on the covers of the Shakai Minshūto Pamphlets. In the pamphlets it is explained that realization of universal suffrage means: (1) lowering the age limit for voters to twenty-one; (2) woman suffrage; (3) public holiday to allow employees to vote; (4) modification of residential requirements, and (5) abolition of the 2,000 yen bond for candidates. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 16, 1926, p. 723Google Scholar; Jan. 20, 1927, p. 57.

41 In the Shakai Minshūto Pamphlet No. 3 it is explained that the ultimate aim of the party is to secure government ownership of mines, forests, and all large industries.

42 Tsuyama, , “The Present Condition of Nippon Nominto,” Kaiho, Dec. 1926, p. 15Google Scholar. Cf. Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 10, 1926, p. 3Google Scholar; Japan Weekly Chronicle, Dec. 16, 1926, p. 723Google Scholar. It should be noted that in popular speech the name Nippon, or Nihon Nominto, was shortened to Nichinoto; Nippon Ronoto, to Nichiroto; and Rodo Nominto, to Ronoto.

43 Nippon Rodo Nenkan, 1927, p. 216.

44 PROLETARIAN PARTIES IN THE ELECTION Of 1928

Fusen Dai-ichiji no Sosenkyo Keika, May 15, 1928, p. 41Google Scholar. The last three parties are local proletarian parties. The Kyushu Minkento, or Kyushu Democratic Constitutional party, was organized in the second district of Fukuoka-ken. The Minahu Shinto, or Progressive Democratic party, supported a candidate in the second district of Kanagawa-ken, and the Kwansei Minshūto, or Kwansei Democratic party, in the second district of Gifu-ken.

45 Oyama-Ikuo, , “How the Rodo Nominto Fought the Election in the Second District of Kagawa-ken,” Kaizo, April, 1928, pp. 2–20Google Scholar.

46 Tokyo Asahi, Feb. 16, and 17, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

47 RURAL AND URBAN VOTE OF THE PROLETARIAN PARTIES

The parties in this table are arranged in order of their position from the right to the left. These statistics are compiled from Fusen Dai-ichiji no Sosenkyo Keika, May 15, 1928, pp. 50–78Google Scholar.

48 TENANCY IN JAPAN

Naikaku Tokeikyoku: Nippon Teikoku Tokei Nenkan, or Cabinet Bureau for Statistics: Statistical Year Book of the Japanese Empire (1927), p. 79Google Scholar.

49 Tokyo Asahi, Feb. 26, 27, 28, March 2, 3, 6, and 10, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

50 “The Parliamentary Front of the Proletarian Members,” Kaizo, April, 1928, pp. 162–177Google Scholar.

51 Tokyo Asahi, March 13, and 24, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, March 1928, pp. 346, 378, 379Google Scholar; April 5, 1928, p. 406.

52 Tokyo Asahi, April 5, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 12, 1928, p. 435Google Scholar.

53 Tokyo Asahi, April 13, and 14, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Osaka Mainichi, April 14, 1928, p. 1Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 19, 1928, p. 468Google Scholar.

54 For accounts of the conference, see Tokyo Asahi, April 18 and 19, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Osaka Mainichi, April 19, 1928, p. 3Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 26, 1928, p. 496Google Scholar.

55 Kwampo, April 21, 1928, p. 556Google Scholar. On the second ballot, Mizutani, Yamamoto, Kawakami, and Asahara left the chamber. Cf. Tokyo Asahi, April 21, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

56 In particular, the speeches of Nishio-Suyehiro, , Kawakami-Jotaro, , and Kamei-Kanichiro, . Kwampo gogai, April 26, 1928, pp. 31–35Google Scholar; May 6, 1928, pp. 97–100. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, May, 1928, pp. 541, 573, 615Google Scholar.

57 For instance, Suzuki-Bunji introduced bills regarding health insurance and to amend the manhood suffrage law by lowering the age requirement from twenty-five to twenty, and to reduce the limit of campaign expenses by one-half. Kwampo gogai, May 4, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

58 Kwampo, April 29, 1928, p. 53Google Scholar; May 5, 1928, pp. 84–85. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 10, 1928, pp. 570, 575Google Scholar.

59 Kwampo gogai, May 6, 1928, pp. 119–123Google Scholar; May 7, 1928, p. 125. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 17, 1928, p. 615Google Scholar.

60 “The Tanaka cabinet, which scandalously besmirched the general election under the universal suffrage law by its irregularities, forfeited its right to meet the extraordinary session of the Diet, and yet the Opposition parties failed to defeat it after all the hubbub ….. The Opposition had the majority of the nation on its side and therefore it ought to have proceeded regardless of the attitude of the other parties. Unfortunately it emulated the Government in its indulgence in tricks.” Tokyo Asahi, May 6, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar. “The meanness of the Government cannot be too strongly condemned. On the other hand, the Minseito cannot escape its share of responsibility for bungling the no-confidence resolution. In an unguarded moment it suffered the motion to be deferred for debate to the last day of the session, misled by the quibbling attitude of the Meiseikai ….. The labor parties, on the other hand, deserve praise for the consistent attitude which they held throughout the session.” Osaka Mainichi, May 7, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar. The quotations are taken from the Japan Weekly Chronicle, May 17, 1928, p. 616Google Scholar.

61 For the instructions of the Shakai Minshūto, see the Tokyo Asahi, April 25, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; April 26, 1928, p. 1; April 27, 1928, p. 2; March 6, 1928, p. 2. For those of the Rodo Nominto and the Nippon Ronoto, see the Tokyo Asahi, March 2 and 3, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

62 Tokyo Asahi, March 10, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

63 Tokyo Asahi, April 12 and 13, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Japan Weekly Chronicle, April 19, 1928, p. 469Google Scholar.

64 In December, 1928, the central committee of the Shakai Minshūto voted: “Since the joint parliamentary committee proved defective in the last session of the Diet, and since the proletarian bloc offers sufficient means of coöperation, there is no need for the reëstablishment of the joint committee.” Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 9, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

65 Yorotu Choho, Jan. 23, 1929, p. 1Google Scholar, and Tokyo Nichi-nichi, Feb. 8, 1929, p. 2Google Scholar. Cf. Miyoga-Fusakichi, , Nippon Seito no Gentei, or Contemporary Japanese Parties (Tokyo, 1929), p. 163Google Scholar.

66 In this connection, compare Takahashi-Kamikichi, , Sayoku Undo no Riron-teki Hokai, or Inevitable Disintegration of the Left Movement (Tokyo, 1928)Google Scholar. The author argues that further communist agitation will lead Japan into a reactionary dictatorship of the Fascist type.

67 Tokyo Asahi, April 10, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar.

68 Tokyo Asahi, July 15 and 22, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Japan Weekly Chronicle, July–Aug., 1928, pp. 81, 118, 155Google Scholar.

69 Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 22, 23, and 25, 1928, p. 1Google Scholar. Cf. Japan Weekly Chronicle, Jan. 3, 1929, p. 18Google Scholar.

70 The party has the name Rono Taishuto, or Labor Farmer Peoples' party. Cf. Tokyo Asahi, Jan. 9, 1929, p. 3Google Scholar; Jan. 22, 1929, p. 2; Mizutani-Chozaburo, , “The Formation of the Rono Taishuto,” Kaizo, March, 1929, pp. 43–46Google Scholar.

71 Yamamoto was stabbed to death hy a ruffian of the reactionary Seigi-dan, or Association of Justice, on the ground that he had been guilty of fukei jiken, or lèse majesté, at the opening of the 56th session of the Diet. Jiji Shimpo, March 6, 1929, p. 1Google Scholar.

72 The vigor of the organization can be measured by the fact that more than three hundred delegates from all parts of the country attended the meeting of the preparatory committee in Tokyo on Dec. 22–24. Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 25, 1928, p. 1Google Scholar.

73 For an account of the organization and text of the platform, see the Tokyo Asahi, Dec. 14, 1928, p. 2Google Scholar; Dec. 18, 1928, p. 3. The local parties include the Kyushu Minshūto (Kyushu Democratic party), and Kyushu Minkento (Kyushu Peoples' Constitutional party).

74 Oyama-Ikuo, “A Bubble on the Fighting Front,” and Akamatsu-Katsumaro, , “A Proletarian Party Formed by a Casual Meeting of Leading Spirits,” Chuo Koron, Feb., 1929, pp. 33–41Google Scholar.

75 Aso-Hisashi, “The Basis for Unification of the Proletarian Parties,” ibid., Oct., 1928, pp. 75–79.

76 Compare his “Observations on Contemporary Politics,” Ibid., Feb., 1929, pp. 57–90, and “The Unification of the Proletarian Parties,” Ibid., Oct., 1928, pp. 49–53.

77 Sakai-Toshihiko, on the Nippon Taishuto ticket, won the highest vote of all candidates. Nichi Bei (San Francisco), March 19, 1929, p. 1Google Scholar.

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