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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
1. Relación de las cosas de Yucatán. MS copy of part of Landa’s original manuscript discovered in Academia de la Historia, Madrid, by C. E. Brasseur de Bourbourg and first published by him: Relation des choses de Yucatan de Diego de Landa (Coll. Doc. Lang. Indig.… de l’Am. Anc., vol. 3). Paris, 1864. (Incomplete.)
Second edition: Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado, Manuscrito de Diego de Landa tomada directamente del único ejemplar que se conoce y se conserva en la Academia de la Historia (Appendix to Spanish translation of Léon de Rosny’s Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’écriture hiératique Maya, Paris, 1876). Madrid, 1884. (First complete edition except for maps.)
39 Of all these editions Tozzer’s is by far the most useful. His very extensive notes are actually a collection of essays which summarize the results of many years of study by our foremost Maya scholar.
40 Francisco Palomino held the office of Defender of the Indians in Yucatan for many years. Because of his persistent and selfless efforts to alleviate the lot of the natives, especially to reduce the excessive labor demanded of them, he was constantly at odds with the encomenderos and the civil authorities. He was absolved of the charge mentioned by Landa, who at times gave him strong support and even lent him money on one of the occasions when he was in financial difficulties.
41 The above quotations prove that printed Doctrinas in Maya, as well as sermons and prayers in manuscript, were in circulation in the mission villages of Yucatan by the 1560’s and probably earlier. Landa does not claim personal credit for those he mentions in the interrogatory he drew up in 1563, but it is not unlikely that he was largely responsible for the printing of the Doctrina, which must have been sent to Mexico for the purpose. It is not absolutely clear whether those he refers to in the 1574 Memorial as having been printed at his expense are a separate edition, but his condemnation of “other doctrinas full of many errors and great heresies, together with invocations of the demons” might be interpreted to mean that idolatrous Indians had misused some of the early Doctrinas Cristianas in Maya by recording in them certain pagan rites and ceremonies. It is, therefore, possible that Landa may have had more catechisms printed in Spain, which he brought back with him when he returned as bishop in 1573. On November 8, 1577, the Mexican Inquisitors wrote to Bishop Landa as follows: “This Holy Office issued an interdict against a manuscript book, Ecclesiastes translated into the Mexican language, and against any other translation of Holy Scripture into an Indian tongue. Although we have no doubts about the propriety of this interdict with regard to the Indians themselves, with regard to the ministers who indoctrinate and preach to them, it seems that there may be some question. Therefore the latter have now been permitted to use the Epistles and the Gospels in the native language in order that they may better carry on the work of indoctrination. We beg your lordship to take counsel with some good linguist of that land and send us your opinion about the books of this nature, in manuscript or printed, that are in circulation in that diocese, stating whether they are absolutely necessary to the ministers, or whether they should be permitted or not.” From Landa’s reply, quoted above, there is little doubt that he had a number of Doctrinas printed in Mexico City during his sojourn there in 1576. Although he must have composed sermons in Maya himself, the ones referred to here are apparently the work of various friars who were familiar with Maya, some of whom may have been aided by literate Indians. There is good evidence that many works of this kind were circulated among the missionaries of Yucatan and Guatemala, especially for the use of those who were not sufficiently masters of the native languages to preach to their flocks without assistance.
42 For the early history of this image, see Lizana and Vázquez (I, 137–143).
43 For an appraisal of Landa’s conduct at this time and contemporary documents concerning the idolatry proceedings, see Scholes, F. V. and Adams, E. B., Don Diego Quijada, Alcalde Mayor de Yucatan, 1561–1565, 2 vols. (Biblioteca Histórica Mexicana de Obras Inéditas, 14, 15), Mexico, 1938 Google Scholar.
44 Tozzer, , Landa’s Relación, pp. 43–46.Google Scholar
45 Apparently in one of the Guatemalan languages. Vázquez, Cf. (III, 294)Google Scholar, who mentions “rituales.”
46 Parecer of Fr. Joseph Antonio Coutiño, in the Flores Arte (1753), [f. 19]. Cf. Fr. Córdova, supra.
47 The second edition was published under the title: Los tres sighs de la dominación española en Yucatán o sea historia de esta provincia desde la conquista hasta la independencia. Escribióla Fr. Diego López de Cogolludo Provincial que fué de la Orden Franciscana y la continua un Yucateco [Justo Sierra]. 2 vols.; Campeche, Mérida, 1842–1845.
48 Original in Library of American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection.
49 Original in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection. Ascribed to Maldonado by Brasseur, (Bibl. Mex.-Guat., p. 95)Google Scholar.
50 Original in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection. In The Maya Society and its work (p. 25) Gates lists two books of sermons in Cakchiquel by Maldonado as follows: “398. Maldonado, Sermonario Grande, 324 pp. fol. A truly magnificent volume, fine formal hand, XVI century. 399. Maldonado, Sermones. 364 pp. 4to.” The Gates photograph listed by Mrs. Butler has 316 pp. 23.1 cm. and is dated 1671, so it does not correspond exactly to either of these items as described by Gates. His sixteenth-century date is too early in any case. Vinaza lists the Sermones super Euangelia twice (pp. 107, 271), describing a folio manuscript of 155 ff. in a seventeenth-century hand. Medina (Imp. en Guat., p. 121) states that Maldonado was also the author of a “Libro de Sermones en Lengua Quiche, con 239 hojas, en 4°.” Beristain refers to Sermones varios, 2 vols.
51 Medina saw nos. 5–7 in the Biblioteca Nacional, Guatemala, but according to Sánchez G. (p. 58) and Rosales (p. xxii), they are no longer there.
52 Cf. no. 1, supra.
53 Cf. no. 3, supra.
54 In the introduction to his biography of Margil, Un gran apóstol de las Américas (Guatemala, 1917), Fr. Daniel Sánchez García cites the following collections of letters: Ouadenw que contiene una multitud de cartas escritas y firmadas por el V. P. Fr. Antonio Margil de Jesús de varios lugares de este Reyno, y el de Nueva España, y otras muchas que a Su Paternidad escribieron algunas personas, que todas se conserban en este Archivo como memorias, y prendas apreciables. Cartas del V. P. Margil, copiadas ya en el Proceso que se ha construido por Authoridad Apostólica, juntamente con los demás Cuadernos y libros del Archibo que se presentaron al Tribunal año de 1785 letters of Margil in Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, 65-6-28. Sánchez G.’s Catálogo (p. 60) mentions “Varios informes al Presidente y Audiencia de Guatemala sobre las misiones de la Talamanca,” some of which are printed in his life of Margil. An Informe of 1705 concerning Talamanca has been printed in Peralta’s Costa-Rica y Colombia, pp. 101–104.
55 The first biography of Father Margil appeared little more than ten years after his death when de Espinosa, Fray Isidro Félix published El peregrino septentrional Atlante, Mexico, 1737 Google Scholar. In 1747 Espinosa added Nuevas empressas del peregrino Americano septentrional Atlante. Fray Hermenegildo de Vilaplana’s Vida portentosa del americano septentrional apóstol appeared in Mexico, 1763, and Madrid, 1775. More recent works on Margil’s life include that of Sánchez G. cited in note 54, supra, and E. E. Ríos’ Fray Margil de Jesús, apóstol de America (Mexico, 1941).
56 Gates photograph in Ayer Collection. In The Maya Society and its work (p. 20) Gates, who attributes this work to Mena, lists it as follows: “141. Mena, , Libro grande de Medicina. 173 Google Scholar pp. 4to.”
57 “He acquired a great deal of information about their antiquities, rites and customs. From the beginning he dedicated himself to teaching the most intelligent and apt Indian men and boys to read and write. (All of them are usually very well qualified for this, for singing, and for other branches of education that require tenacity and imagination.) By this interchange he sought to find out their secrets and discover their ancient customs. The blessed man used great subtlety and sagacity to induce them to open their hearts, regaling the children with fruit that the Indians themselves had given to him, and telling them about the usages and customs of the kings of Castile, the service of their palaces, and about the veneration and reverence owed to the Supreme Pontiff. Winning their confidence by these and other conversations, he found out what they, like timid souls, were hiding. When he was well informed about their paganism and when some of them had learned how to write, he made them set down their histories and describe their kinds of titles so that the world might realize that they were rational beings. [He wished] to confound the imputations of some malicious critics and to make it clear that [the Indians] ‘were of noble blood, brothers of the Spaniards, descendants all of Adam and Eve. This was a source of great consolation to [the Indians], and to the venerable friar and to those who have since read their relations and papers a source of enlightenment and information that has enabled them to be on guard, like one who knows the entrances to the stronghold, and to prevent the powerful army who held it for so many centuries from returning to rule over it before the strongest one of all, the Lord of hosts, by means of His evangelical ministers, conquered the tyrant and deprived him of his trusted arms of witchcraft, spells and nagualism.” (Vázquez, II, 27.) Méndez’ policy has preserved for us an unusually large amount of recorded history and legend for the Guatemala area.
58 Beristain, Vinaza and others give the title “Arte, Vocabulario y Sermones Guatemaltecos.” The reference is almost certainly to this passage from Vázquez.
59 Original in American Philosophical Society; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection.
60 Motolinía’s writings present great bibliographical difficulties. For a detailed discussion of the problem, see Father Steck’s invaluable introduction to his edition of the History, which has been my authority for the following abbreviated list.
61 These Noticias have also been published as Vida de Fray Toribio de Motolinía (Colección de escritores mexicanos, vol. 4), Mexico, 1944.
62 See Steck’s, Father edition of Motolinía’s History…, pp. 37–41.Google Scholar
63 Several other encomenderos of Yucatan, including Diego Briceño, Martín Sánchez, Alonso de Rojas and the former governor Diego de Santillán refer in similar terms to this hypothetical “relación” by Fr. Gaspar, who was then in Spain. There are no other references to such a report, and therefore this entry must be considered as doubtful.
64 Sánchez G. remarks that an eighteenth-century grammar of Cakchiquel praises Ocaña’s works in that language. Thompson (p. 7) describes a Cakchiquel manuscript in the American Philosophical Society’s collection upon which the signature and rubric of Ocaña appear six times, but other details indicate that he was not the author of this work, which also appears to carry earlier dates and rubrics.
65 Beristain and other bibliographers list these works as follows: Doctrina dogmática en Lengua de Guatemala, para instruir a los Indios. Un tomo MS. Exhortaciones sobre la Penitencia y Comunión en la misma Lengua. Un tomo MS. Sermones panegíricos y morales en la misma. 2 tomos MS. Beristain’s reference is to Arochena’s Catálogo.
66 Arlegui’s account of Ordonez’ life (Crónica… de Zacatecas, 2nd ed., Mexico, 1851, pp. 254–261) states that he was born in Salamanca in 1470 and died at Sombrerete in 1587. In this case Figueroa (pp. 99–106) finds Arlegui and Vetancurt (pp. 237–238), who believed that Ordonez was of Mexican birth, in error and prefers Vázquez’ account.
67 A recent author has completely misinterpreted Vázquez’ statements about the linguistic work of Betanzos and Parra (I, 124–128). In the case of Parra, he did not invent “an extremely simplified alphabet of but four characters… with which, through a series of permutations and combinations, basic communication in the Guatemalan languages was effected,” as Pius J. Barth, O.F.M., states in his Franciscan Education and the Social Order in Spanish North America (1502–1821) (Chicago, 1945), pp. 230–232. Parra hit upon the expedient of adding a number of characters to the Spanish alphabet for use in writing Cakchiquel when the meaning of the same syllable or word depended entirely upon the manner of its pronunciation. This device was also used by the Franciscans of Yucatan in reducing Maya to European script. See R. L. Roys, “The Franciscan Contribution to Linguistic Research in Yucatan,” THE AMERICAS, VIII (1952), 418.
68 Cf. Vázquez (III, 288): “Muchas de las materias que leyó se hallan manuscritas, donde los más ingeniosos tienen bien que admirar, y todos que aprender.”
69 Doubtful entry. It is not certain that he served in Central America.
70 Parecer of Coutiño in the Flores Arte (1753), [f. 20]. The 1690 list of religious of the Province of the Most Holy Name of Jesus of Guatemala published by Father Lamadrid in vol. 4 of his edition of Vázquez’ Crónica includes two friars named Quiñones who were apparently well versed in the Guatemalan languages. The first is described as follows: “El R. P. Fr. Bernardino de Quiñones, Predicador de su Majestad, ex-Proministro de esta Provincia que sufragó en el Capítulo General el año de 1676. Es criollo (aquí hay llamada al margen, y al margen dice: tomó el hábito en este Santo Convento de Guatemala el año de 1649. Murió) y Ministro examinado y aprobado en suficiencia y lengua kecché, kacchiquel y zutugil; ha sido Lector de Moral, Maestro de Novicios, Guardian de algunos conventos de la Provincia y de este de Guatemala, subrogó en voto de Definidor por muerte del R. P. Fr. José de Meléndez, que lo fué electo en Capítulo el año de 1688.” (Vázquez, IV, 13.) The second was “El. R. P. Agustín de Quiñones, Predicador y ex-Proministro de esta Provincia, que sufragó en el Capítulo General del año de 1688. Es Ministro examinado y aprobado en suficiencia de Cura en lenguas kecché, kacchiquel y zutugil, ha sido Guardián del Convento de San Antonio de Acatenango. Es criollo, tomó el hábito en este Convento el año de 1663.” (Vázquez, IV, 14.) Fr. Nicolás Quiñones, a creole who had been professor of theology and was guardian of Tecpan-Guatemala in 1690, was said to be experienced in using Cakchiquel, but not approved by the Ordinary. (Vázquez, IV, 22. I have found no information about the linguistic attainments of Fr. José Quiñones or of Fray Francisco de Quiñones y Escobedo.
71 Parecer of Coutiño in the Flores Arte (1753), [f. 20].
72 See also Fr. Antonio de Andrade and Fr. José Gimbert, supra.
73 Medina (Imp. en Méx., III, 217) believed that Beristain had confused Fr. Bernardo de Ribas with the Mercedarian Fr. Diego de Ribas Gastelú, who published a sermon with the same title in Guatemala, 1673. Cf. Medina, Imp. en Guat., p. 23.
74 Beristain’s title reads: Tabla Pascual antigua añadida. Guatemala, 1786.
75 Beristain’s title reads: Diálogos en que se explican el Kalendario Romano y Ias Tablas del Cómputo Eclesiástico. Guatemala, 1805. The reference is probably to the same work.
76 See list of References, supra, for full title of Father Sánchez García’s edition.
77 Medina (Imp. en Guat., p. 4) points out that 1663 is probably the correct date for this sermon. Cf. Fr. Esteban de Aviles, supra.
78 Cf. Vázquez, II, 254: “Sacó con todo eso muchos y muy buenos discípulos en todas lenguas, especialmente en la mexicana, y las tres provincias que fueron las que ex profeso leyó y enseñó, y demás del arte y diccionarios que compuso y dictó, escribió varios libros, sermonarios y de documentos cristianos. …”
79 The Gates sale catalogue, no. 974, lists a photograph of this very rare book. Carrillo y Ancona owned the 1684 edition, and Berendt made a copy of it now in the Berendt Linguistic Collection. Brasseur de Bourbourg also made a copy and published a translation in vol. 2 of Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue des Mayas. 2 vols. (Paris, 1869–1870). Some copies of this, without the plates, were distributed under the title, Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathíe de la langue Maya, precédés d’un étude sur le système graphique des indigènes du Yucatan (Paris, 1872).
80 This manuscript was formerly in the library of the Franciscans at Mérida, but disappeared in 1821.
81 In 1690 a friar called Baltasar de la Peña was residing at Santiago de Cotzumalguapa. He was a creole who had taken the habit in Guatemala in 1678. He knew three of the native languages. Cf. Vázquez, IV, 27.
82 Original in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection.
83 Manuscript in Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection. The surviving manuscripts ascribed to Fr. Antonio del Saz indicate that his works continued to be copied, amended and circulated for many years. A comparison of the available manuscripts should be of great interest.
84 Original in Library of American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia.
85 Cf. Gates sale catalogue, no. 1013, which lists a photograph of 316 pp.; and The Maya Society and its Work, no. 402: “Saz, Sermones. 318 pp. 8vo. Beautiful early writing, excellent text.”
86 Original in Library of American Philosophical Society. Cf. no. 4, supra.
87 Cf. no. 5, supra.
88 Cf. nos. 1 and 2, supra.
89 The funeral panegyric preached on this occasion by the Mercedarian, Fr. José Monroy, was published in Mexico, 1651. Panegyrico fvneral, y piadosa aclamación, qve se hizo a la translacion del cverpo del muy Venerable Padre Fr. Diego del Saz, Hijo del Convento de Quatimala, del Orden de N. Padre S. Francisco, Padre de la provincia del Nombre de lesus, y Visitador de la de S. George de Nicaragua.… Dixole En el Convento de N. P. S. Francisco, en treze dias del mes de Septiembre, de 1649 Años. Diole a la estampa El M. R. P. Predicador Fr. Antonio del Saz, Prouincial de la Prouincia del Nombre de lesvs de Guatimala, del Orden de N. P. S. Francisco, á quien se dedica. (Medina, Imp. en Méx., II, 290–291.)
90 MS in Library of the Hispanic Society of America, New York? Tozzer suggests that it may be a seventeenth-century copy but apparently was unable to see the manuscript. (Tozzer, pp. 169, 267.) Lizana mentions that Solana “escriuió Bocabulario excelente en esta lengua Maya.” Cogolludo speaks of “un vocabulario pequeño” (II, 121) and “un vocabulario muy copioso” (II, 232).
91 León Pinelo (p. 108) makes the following entry: “Arte, Vocabulario, Doctrina Christiana, en lengua Popolaca. imp.” Beristain’s title reads “Arte y Vocabulario de la Lengua Totolaca o Totonaca y Varios Opúsculos Catequísticos en la misma;” and Vinaza (p. 257) gives “Arte, Vocabulario, Doctrina cristiana y Sermones en lengua totonaca.” In lib. 20, cap. 65, Torquemada again tells us that Toral was the first to learn the extremely difficult Popoloca language, that he taught it to other friars, “y la puso en Arte, y Método para más facilitarle.” He also learned Mexican.
92 Many letters and other documents by and concerning Bishop Toral have been printed in various works, including Cartas de Indias (Madrid, 1877); Carrillo y Ancona, El Obispo de Yuc; J. García Icazbalceta, Códice Franciscano (Mexico, 1899); M. Cuevas, S.J., Historia de la Iglesia en México, vol. 2 (Mexico, 1922) and Documentos del Siglo XVI para la historia de México (Mexico, 1924); F. V. Scholes, et al., Documentos para la historia de Yucatán: II, La Iglesia en Yucatán, 1560–1610 (Mérida, 1938) ; Scholes and Adams, Don Diego Quijada (Mexico, 1938). The introduction to Scholes and Adams discusses the disagreement between Toral and Landa in some detail.
93 The references to Torresano’s manuscript, or manuscripts, are somewhat confusing. The Gates sale catalogue describes no. 2 as a photographic copy “with an ornamental title-page, and so regularly written in roman and italic letters as to appear like print. The author follows the work of Flores which had been published the year before, making numerous criticisms thereon.” The Gates photograph in the Ayer Collection (Butler, p. 191) was made from an original in the Bibliothèque Royale and has 143 pp. Viñaza (p. 158) says that the Paris manuscript has 143 hojas. Squier had a copy of this, which may be the one at Philadelphia mentioned by Villacorta (Tecpan-Atitlan, p. 73.) The Torresano grammar includes “un paralelo de las lenguas Kiché, Cakchiquel y Zutuhil.” Cf. also Sánchez G., p. 88.
94 Medina, citing Fr. Juan de San Antonio, gives the title as: De los Dolores de la Purisima Madre de Dios.
95 Medina lists the last edition, or editions, under Fr. Francisco Reigada, or Raygada, who apparently made some changes. Reigada was a Franciscan theologian of the Colegio de Cristo Crucificado and was elected guardian in 1796.
96 The usual references to Valladolid’s Conclusiones Teológicas are not very illuminating, so I have preferred to quote Cogolludo, who gives an excellent description of the nature and interest of the occasion. It seems unlikely that the Conclusiones were printed, as some bibliographers suggest.
97 The Materia Medica of the first-century Greek physician Dioscorides was first printed in Venice, 1499. A Spanish translation was published at Antwerp in 1555 and was reprinted several times in Spain before the end of the century: Pedacio Dioscorides Anazarbeo, acerca de la materia medicinal, y de los venenos mortíferos, traduzido de lengua Griega en la vulgar Castellana, & illustrado con claras y substanciales Annotaciones, y con las figuras de numerosas plantas exquisitas y raras por el Doctor Andrés Laguna. Antwerp, 1555; Salamanca, 1570, 1584, 1586; Valencia, 1626; and other editions. It is interesting to note that a few years after Valladolid undertook to translate Dioscorides into Maya the first English translator copied the Greek text, which, with his interlinear translation, filled 4,540 quarto pages: Gunther, R. T., ed., The Greek Herbal of Dioscprides, illustrated by a Byzantine A.D. 512, Englished by John Goodyer A.D. 1655, edited and first printed A.D. 1933 (Oxford, 1934).Google Scholar
98 Ludewig (p. 103) states that Valladolid wrote a dictionary, but there seems to be no real evidence that he did so.
99 In Library of American Philosophical Society; Gates photograph in Ayer Collection. This is apparently a copy by Fr. Francisco Cerón, dated at San Pedro de la Laguna, January 14, 1699. Cf. Vázquez, III, 299: “Se aplicó tan del todo a la inteligencia de las lenguas de los indios, que consiguió el hacer una obra excelentísima que había muchos años se deseaba, y por ser tan dificultosa no había llegado a la perfección en que la puso el P. Fr. Francisco, haciendo un diccionario al modo del que hizo Ambrosio Calepino, tan copioso como él en las lenguas principales de esta provincia, con elegantísimas frases, que se llama el calepino de Varela; que es un volumen como de 400 fojas de folio, el cual como única presea en todo este reino, se guarda en la librería de este convento, porque se halla en él abundantísima copia, más que en otros vocabularios que antes y después se han hecho.” There is some doubt about the authorship of this work. See discussion which follows.
100 Vázquez (III, 300) gives the date of his arrival as 1593.
101 Gates’ date is a little early.
102 The title preceding the text reads: Verdadera Antigualla, y relacion cierta del origen antiguedad, y singulares tymbres, de la Ymagen de la Virgen Maria Nuestra Señora llamada de Alcantara, apellidada ya de Loreto traida de la Villa de Alcantara, en extremadura, Reynos de Castilla, á este de Guatemala por Iuan Rodriguez Cabrillo de Medrano; al rededor del año de 1570, authenticada, y aprovada esta noticia en las depossiciones juradas, de testigos de mayor excepcion, algunos de los quales vinieron de España, en la ocasion en que fue traida la Santissima Imagen, en dos informaciones authenticas, que se dieron la vna el año de 1601, y la otra el de 1605, en el jusgado Ecclesiastico, para effecto de ocurrir á su Santidad, a pedir indulgencias para la Capilla, q. se erigió entonces, con nombre de Loreto, donde se colocó la dicha Imagen de Nuestra Señora de Alcantara.
103 Beristain says that this work was in the Guatemala convent, but a recent biographer of Hermano Pedro points out that although Vázquez intended to write a life of the founder of the hospitaler Bethlehemites, there is no assurance that he actually did so. In 1686 Vázquez preached a panegyric sermon at Betancur’s exequies. Vela, David, El Hermano Pedrò en la vida y en las letras (Guatemala, 1935), pp. 156–157, 178–179.Google Scholar
104 For full title, see Fr. Alonso de Ortega, supra.
105 Cf. Vázquez’ reference to the fate of some of Fr. José Gabaldá’s works.
106 For full title see Fr. Juan de Santa Rosa Ramirez, supra.
107 Beristain says that this manuscript was in the Biblioteca of D. Andrés Barcia.
108 León Pinelo (p. 105) stated that Villalpando’s writings “in one of the languages of the Indies” were printed. Garcia Icazbalceta (Bibl., pp. xxiii-xxiv, n.) has summarized the available information on this point: “No aparece en este Catálogo el Vocabulario Maya del P. Villalpando, franciscano, porque no le he visto ni encuentro su descripción; mas parece no haber duda de su existencia. Pinelo-Barcia (col. JV)) dice que se imprimió, sin expresar dónde ni cuándo. El Illmo. Sr. Carrillo, tan diligente y entendido investigador, no había logrado verle. (Bol. de la Soc. Mex. de Geog. y Estad., 2a época, tom. IV, pág. 150) El Dr. Brinton (Maya Chronicles, págs. 74–75) dice que se imprimió en México, 1571; y sospecha que pues el P. Villalpando llevaba cerca de veinte años de muerto, el Vocabulario impreso sería alguno formado aprovechando el suyo: inferencia que á la verdad no nos parece legítima. Asegura que existe á lo menos un ejemplar de él. La noticia le fué comunicada probablemente por Mr. A. L. Pinart, quien, en una de las visitas que me hizo, me aseguró que le habían ofrecido aquí á la mano un ejemplar; pero que habiéndosele pedido por él un precio á su parecer excesivo, no quiso comprarle en aquel momento, esperando que después le obtendría con ventaja. Arrepintióse en seguida, é hizo las mayores diligencias para dar con el vendedor, pero sin fruto, de lo cual se lamentaba. Me dijo que había tenido el libro en sus manos; que estaba impreso en México en el siglo XVI, y que la edición era muy semejante á la del Vocabulario grande de Molina.” If Villalpando’s work was printed, it must have disappeared from circulation very early, for neither Lizana nor Cogolludo seems to have been aware of such a publication.