Having devoted August's NBC to North American archaeology, it seems a useful comparison to shift our gaze south to the world of Central America. Hence, this NBC reviews a selection of volumes that consider aspects of Mesoamerican archaeology, including settlement, subsistence, resilience and conflict, as well as the modern trafficking of pre-Columbian antiquities.
While much research has focused on the Maya and the impressive monuments of the Aztecs, our first volume charts the investigation of one of the earliest-known settlements on the Pacific coast of Mexico. Hepp's volume aims to interrogate the relationships between settlement types and social organisation at the coastal Early Formative (c. 2000–1000 cal BC) site of La Consentida, Oaxaca. The site is uniquely suited to this task lying, as it does, on the Pacific coast and having been occupied before the expansion of the Río Verde floodplain and the development of local estuaries. Because the site was abandoned prior to intensive Middle Formative occupation in the area, a broad stratigraphy of early deposits survives without the disturbance of later activity. The location of the site near an open bay enables comparison with the ecologies and subsistence of other known Early Formative sites, which are found predominantly in estuarine environments.
The first two chapters contextualise the research with a substantial and detailed section rehearsing current debates surrounding Early Formative settlement practice, sedentism, subsistence and social complexity—essential reading for the non-specialist. Hepp's assessment of these debates leads to the conclusion that “individual causal mechanisms fail to explain the transformations across diverse regions and also signify the value of evidence from sites in previously unstudied or understudied regions, which may provide new insight into this era of significant social change” (p. 51). This amplifies the importance of results from La Consentida, which are discussed in Chapters 3–8, with much of the detail—including tables, section drawings and the ceramic assemblage catalogue and report—presented in appendices at the end of the volume.
Occupation at La Consentida occurred in two broad phases: one in the Early–Middle Formative, represented by two consecutive structures, and one in the Classic period (broadly AD 250–800) that was occupied only briefly. The ceramic assemblage from the first occupation level has extended, for the first time, the ceramic chronology of the region to include the Early and Middle Formative periods. Having evaluated the settlement evidence, Hepp uses Chapter 5 to reflect on the shift from mobile foraging to sedentism and to consider where the population of La Consentida sat on this “continuum of domestic mobility” (p. 85). Understanding the scale of such early sedentary settlement is an important issue for archaeologists across the globe and, after considering earthen architecture and its size and labour investment, Hepp settles on a population of around 80 people for La Consentida. Also indicating a shift towards sedentism are the trends in stone tools, with smaller (more portable) and multipurpose tools in the earlier levels, and larger ground-stone tools becoming increasingly common over time. There is also an increase in ceramics in the later levels, and the faunal remains—alongside human dental analysis—and food-processing tools from the site reveal a varied diet, including domesticated maize. The latter was probably initially consumed in liquid form (perhaps beer), but in later times, ground into flour. Despite the apparent increased reliance on maize suggested by the material culture, however, human dentine and bone collagen analyses reveal limited consumption of this grain.
Having considered a range of evidence, including iconography of figurines, architecture and personal adornment, Hepp argues that despite having the key components that would later lead to hereditary social hierarchy in Mesoamerica, La Consentida represents a heterarchically complex society with diverse social roles. This volume is a fascinating investigation into a site that is important for understanding one of the major transitional periods in the history of the Americas.
The role of West Mexico in the formation of Mesoamerican culture is the focus of Eduardo Williams's volume. The book aims to challenge the oft-repeated view that West Mexico was a marginal or underdeveloped area and to reposition this region as a critical force in the shaping of Mesoamerican history. The volume represents one of very few publications on the archaeology of West Mexico in English, and the first to take an interdisciplinary approach that combines socio-cultural anthropology with ethnohistory and ethnoarchaeology. Williams opens with an Introduction that outlines the structure of the book and defines the main themes: previous approaches to Mesoamerica and how they have shaped the field; the Mesoamerican ecumene (defined as “the universe of cultural and social interactions that coalesced into one of the major cultural areas of the ancient world” [p. 1]); and the role of West Mexico in shaping that world. The Introduction provides an excellent access point to Mesoamerican studies for the general reader, as well as a useful overview of the state of the art.
In Chapter 2, Williams provides more in-depth coverage of the history of archaeological research in West Mexico, before subsequent chapters deal with (chronologically): the first inhabitants and examples of settled life (Chapter 3); the Formative period and relations between West and Central Mexico (Chapter 4); the Classic period (Chapter 5); the Postclassic period (Chapter 6); and the Tarascan Empire and the protohistoric period (Chapter 7).
The author's research shows that as early as the Formative period (c. 1500 BC–AD 300), West Mexico was participating in the social and cultural life of the wider Mesoamerican region. This is evidenced by ceramics and figurines that demonstrate interaction with neighbouring regions, while, at the same time, artefacts known to have originated in West Mexico had made their way into the Basin of Mexico. Shared Mesoamerican funerary practices are also attested. This close interaction with other Mesoamerican regions continued in the Postclassic period (c. AD 900–1521) with the formation of long-lasting economic networks. Finally, Williams considers the Tarascan Empire, discovering long-distance contacts that developed between the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin—the heart of the Tarascan Empire—and the imperial periphery, and beyond to other Mesoamerican polities. Williams draws together all the above evidence to argue that West Mexico had significant influence in the Mesoamerican world, concluding that “it is high time to recognize West Mexico's rightful place among the major players on the stage of the Mesoamerican ecumene” (p. 413).
Another region once considered peripheral—and, in fact, once known as the south-eastern Maya Periphery—is the area that encompasses modern-day Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. Southeastern Mesoamerica: Indigenous interaction, resilience, and change aims “to demonstrate the universal utility of the case studies from this region to archaeological and anthropological understandings of intercultural interaction among diverse populations along fluid, ever-changing frontiers and borders” (p. 3). Conscious of the “shifting archaeological and geographical concept” (p. 3) that is Mesoamerica, chapters in this volume celebrate the complexity of the varied Indigenous groups that have occupied this vast region and the intricate networks that existed between them.
The volume comprises 14 chapters, in which authors centre their focus on south-eastern Mesoamerica not as a marginal area, but as an area with its own rich history and cultural development. The contributors' brief was to consider how Indigenous resilience and agency shaped these cultural developments and influenced interaction between these areas and regions considered more central to the Maya world. Chapters run chronologically, spanning a vast timescale from the deep history of the Preceramic period (c. 11 000–5000 cal BP) to the sixteenth century AD.
Following an introductory chapter by the editors, the volume opens with Figueroa and Scheffler's assessment of the relationship between the natural environment and behavioural changes, to investigate how the natural and social landscapes influenced the adoption of Mesoamerican cultivars, such as maize, in the highlands of south-west Honduras. The authors conclude that the decision to adopt these cultivars was part of a significant shift in the perception of landscape. Erlend Johnson's chapter brings the reader into the Late Classic period to investigate the influence of the Copán polity in western Honduras. The study shows that while Copán certainly played an important role in regional power, it was more limited in its reach than may have been expected; neighbouring areas appear to have had agency in the power relationship, being able to determine the extent of those relations. Cameron McNeil also focuses on Copán in Chapter 4, which considers the interconnectedness of the ruling elite of Copán and the nearby site of Río Amarillo, a strategically located site with fertile territory. This contribution highlights the complex nature of relationships between well known, powerful polities and lesser known, but perhaps no less powerful, centres.
All of the articles in the volume bring fresh perspectives to challenge traditional ways of viewing south-eastern Mesoamerica, and begin to shift the understanding of how the power balance between elites and non-elites was negotiated, who identified as Mayan and to what extent, and how the social networks and economic arteries that criss-crossed the region transcended both geographical and hierarchical boundaries.
The discovery, by the author of this volume, of a huge salt-production complex in southern Belize, offers the basis for a closer look at the economic arteries of Mesoamerica. Heather McKillop's account of the Paynes Creek sites provides a framework for the discussion of the scale of salt production and its role in the Maya economy.
McKillop opens with a chapter devoted to the economics of salt in the Maya world. Instead of being self-sufficient, Maya households produced a surplus of goods that could then be traded, usually in local marketplaces. Long-distance exchange also played a role, and exotic and non-local goods appear to have been available to most households. This chapter includes a precis of salt production and salt works in the Maya region, which began in the Late Archaic period, when horticulture began to reduce the reliance on hunting. Demand for salt rose in the Classic period and evidence for salt making is richer on sites from this time. The chapter concludes with an introduction to the Paynes Creek salt works at Port Hondura, Belize—a collection of 110 sites concentrated in an area of only 5km2. This group of sites is unique in its preservation of wooden buildings, and these have transformed understanding of Maya salt production. Through the Paynes Creek discovery, McKillop aims to understand in greater detail the role of salt in the Maya economy: who was making it? How much was produced? And was it for domestic use or surplus trade?
The methodology and recording processes of the fieldwork at Paynes Creek are detailed in Chapter 2. This was complicated by the submersion of 33 of the sites in shallow lagoons and the additional challenge of short working seasons and tropical storms. Nevertheless, the small but resourceful team overcame difficulties to map and record the sites, as well as recovering wooden samples for radiocarbon-dating—the structures date to the Classic period (c. AD 300–900)—and species identification. The processing of salt is described in Chapter 3, which examines the ceramic briquetage from mapped artefacts used for the evaporation of brine over fires to produce salt. Evidence suggests that this took place inside wooden buildings and that the salt content of the brine was maximised by filtering seawater through salty soil in large containers—including in one instance, a wooden canoe. The preservation of the so-called ‘salt kitchens’ at Paynes Creek, together with vessel fragments that can be pieced together, enable a highly detailed reconstruction of salt production.
Chapters 4–5 focus on the wooden architecture associated with salt production, providing a summary of previous evidence of ancient Maya wooden buildings and a detailed analysis of the dimensions of the rectangular wooden structures at Paynes Creek salt works. The chapters include distribution plans of the wooden posts, along with descriptions of their size and wood species. Deciduous hardwoods were favoured for the structures, with palm used for retaining walls. Chapter 6 presents a wealth of detailed research into the activities at the salt-production site, including who was undertaking these, where they travelled from, and the ceramic, wooden and food products that were produced and consumed on site. The archaeological evidence and its scientific analysis, including a radiocarbon chronology profile of the site, support this research. McKillop concludes that evidence for salt production at the Paynes Creek salt works “fits a model of surplus household production, with a variety of other related activities that can be described under the rubric of contingent multicrafting” (p. 150). Evidence for year-round production at this site suggests that Paynes Creek provided enough dietary salt to meet the needs of inland communities in southern Belize, with sufficient surplus to produce salted fish locally.
Chapter 8 returns to the questions posed at the beginning of the book and convincingly answered by the detailed research in the volume. The salt workers of Paynes Creek were specialists, working year-round to produce up to 600 tons of salt per annum, representing a huge contribution to the salt needs of inland Maya communities. This highly detailed and informative book should appeal to readers interested in the relationship between production and society.
Morton and Peuramaki-Brown's edited volume addresses what they identify as a long-standing gap in scholarly knowledge of Mesoamerica: the understanding of conflict. The editors' stated intention is that the volume should build on earlier important works on Mesoamerican conflict, while at the same time approaching the subject from a unique perspective. The aim is “to understand how the Maya themselves—along with their Mesoamerican neighbors—understood and explained conflict, what they recognized as conflict, how conflict was experienced by various parties, and the circumstances surrounding conflict” (p. 4). Articles in the volume take a localised approach, focusing on internal and more subjective Maya sources.
The volume is divided into three broad sections. ‘Conflict in the Maya world’ (Part I) focuses on the agency of people, objects and places in conflict, and the natural and supernatural forces at work in the processes of conflict. ‘Conflict in broader Mesoamerica’ (Part II) considers comparative Mesoamerican examples of conflict, particularly in Central Mexico and the Gulf Coast, and the Discussion (Part III) reflects on the processes of conflict addressed by previous chapters and draws out some of the main emergent themes and questions.
One of the standout chapters is that of Hernandez and Palka (Chapter 3), who use the toppling of the statue of Saddam Hussein in Firdos Square, Baghdad, in 2003, as an example of an act which was not logistically important in terms of the war effort, but which remains one of the enduring images or symbols of the Iraq War. The authors go on to consider the link between Maya warfare and the destruction of images, statues or other material manifestations of supernatural forces. Although these are not argued to be consequential in strategic military terms, they represent the part that culture played in Maya warfare and particularly in victory, which was often marked by destruction of the conquered peoples' sacred spaces and imagery, and of a deliberate severing of the connection between the people and their patron spirit. The authors investigate ethnohistorical examples to understand Indigenous approaches to conflict and warfare and look for continuity in Maya conflict from the pre-Columbian to modern periods. Case studies include the oracular shrines on the islands of Cozumel (off the coast of Yucatán) and Noh Petén, Guatemala; the mass burial—or ‘termination site’—at Zacpeten, Guatemala; and another mass burial at Topoxte, on an island in the Petén lakes region. The authors conclude that although people do not necessarily interpret destruction of significant objects and places in the same way, “meaning and symbols are central in war” (p. 46).
The final section (Part III) comprises two chapters that reflect on the findings of the rest of the volume. Travis Stanton (Chapter 11) considers what the volume contributes to current understandings of the origins of conflict and violence, rituals associated with warfare, the economics of conflict, experience of violence, and the question of who was practising warfare and violence. Stanton calls for a reconsideration of the tendency to view human-against-human violence as warfare or sanctioned ritual sacrifice, and to shift the focus to explorations of the broader social aspects of organised violence. Elizabeth Graham (Chapter 12) also takes a broad view of the concept of ‘war’, wondering whether opposing sides shared the same definition of war, or whether different agendas allowed both sides to achieve benefits. Graham also reflects on the previous chapters, and while many of the themes overlap with those of Stanton, they also include reflection on the concept of winning; war as a way to frame the political landscape, rather than simply gaining territory; the rules of engagement and cultural relativism; and inter-familial conflict and social exclusion. Graham suggests that a useful way forward in understanding Mesoamerican conflict would be to set aside occidental approaches to war and to consider that human sacrifice may have been “sanctioned as an inevitable part of what we today would call war” (p. 246). This volume asks the reader to reconsider their understanding of war and to look at Mesoamerican conflict through the Maya's own lens. It should also appeal to those considering conflict in the past more broadly.
Our final volume considers the region's heritage in the present and the damage caused to Mesoamerican heritage by the trade in pre-Columbian artefacts. The market for Mesoamerica explores the sale and illicit movement of Mesoamerican antiquities across an international market. The volume is diverse and thorough in its coverage, with contributions from experts from a range of disciplines, including museums and law and policy implementation. Related topics span market analysis, forgery detection, museum practice and the enforcement of protection laws. All chapters coalesce around the main theme: how to address the problem of “the destruction of Maya sites by operators in search of marketable sculptures and more portable objects” (p. 1).
The opening chapter by Rosemary Joyce outlines the current state of affairs, reflecting on what legislative measures have already been put in place (such as the 1970 UNESCO convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property) and how other stakeholders have responded (for example, auction houses avoiding handling objects of uncertain provenance). Joyce also notes, however, that viewing the problem as a market for antiquities masks the broader systemic issues at play, arguing that referring to a Mesoamerican ‘art world’ rather than ‘market’ may provoke more self-reflection on the part of stakeholders, who might—albeit unwittingly—facilitate the trade. For Joyce, the greatest challenge is to effect a change in mind-set, so that owning objects is no longer a desirable goal.
Allison Davis takes the collaboration between the US and the modern states that encompass ancient Mesoamerica as the focus for Chapter 2, which traces this collaboration and US efforts to prevent trafficking of cultural property. This is a positive step away from the exploitation of “more fluid legal parameters and opportunities” (p. 56) detailed by Christina Luke in Chapter 3, which considers the late nineteenth-century exploration of Central America. Luke demonstrates how the overlapping networks of power between Central America and the US that facilitated archaeology in this period also enabled the less-than-transparent acquisition of antiquities for US museum collections.
Guatemala is the focus of Chapter 4, in which Sofía Paredes Maury and Guido Krempel explore the long history of looting and illegal trading of cultural property, the existing modalities of custodianship in the country and the problems with recovery and repatriation of pre-Columbian art—not least that the subject remains taboo. This is followed by James Doyle's chapter focusing on the biography of one particular artefact from Guatemala: Stela 5 from Piedras Negras. Doyle charts the history of the object, from its original context to its illegal removal from the site, its later acquisition by Nelson Rockefeller and subsequent restitution to the Guatemalan government, who sanctioned its continued display at the Metropolitan Museum in New York. In Chapter 8, Nancy Kelker discusses the problem of art forgery that creates misinformation in academia and helps to fuel the trade in antiquities. After a short history of forgery and some pertinent case studies, Kelker suggests steps that could be taken to help tackle the problem. These include laws to protect experts from lawsuits, heavier penalties for forgers and those who sell forgeries and the removal of existing forgeries from the international market, through testing and evaluation by non-dealer experts.
In the closing chapter, Donna Yates reflects on whether cultural property policy is working by assessing the effects of policy decisions. Yates concludes that if cultural property is to be protected effectively, the regulatory paradigm must shift. The solution, says Yates, is simple: “no permit, no entry, no sale” (p. 200). This volume shines a light on the theft of cultural heritage items from their countries of origin and considers how best to tackle this ongoing problem. Its themes are relevant to the wider international debate on the illicit movement of antiquities.
The volumes in this NBC have taken us from the earliest Indigenous occupation of Mesoamerica to the modern plundering of its cultural heritage. The themes that emerge are the surprising diversity of sites and peoples in this region through the ages and the complexity of the relationships that networked them together. Each volume has pushed the boundaries of its subject to challenge conceptions and to broaden perspectives on the study of Mesoamerica. Collectively, they reveal a regional specialism in rude health, and which is exploring themes that will resonate with archaeologists interested in production and social organisation, sedentism, conflict and the antiquities trade in other regions.
This list includes all books received between 1 May 2021 and 30 June 2021. Those featuring at the beginning of New Book Chronicle have, however, not been duplicated in this list. The listing of a book in this chronicle does not preclude its subsequent review in Antiquity.
