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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
Throughout the Revolution of 1848–1849 the national aspirations of the Hungarians generally evoked a negative response from both liberal and radical Czechs, although, on the whole, the radicals expressed less hostility than the liberals toward developments in Hungary. Of the two groups, the Czech radicals were the least interested in maintaining the territorial and political integrity of the Habsburg monarchy and the more revolutionary in their demands and expectations. Consequently they had less cause to criticize the Magyars. Indeed, after the Habsburgs declared war against Hungary and the Russians openly assisted them in subduing the Hungarian revolutionaries, the radicals openly expressed sympathy for the Magyar cause.
1 General material and some quotations used in this brief essay have been taken from the official Přehled Československých dějin [Survey of Czechoslovak History] (3 vols. in 4, Prague: Nakladatelstvi Československé akademie věd, 1958–1960), Vol. II, Pt. 1, pp. 7–130Google Scholar and passim. Selections from the vast literature on the Czechs in 1848 are cited there and in Pech, Stanley Z., The Czech Revolution of 1848 (Chapel Hill, N. C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1969).Google Scholar
2 For the echoes of Hungarian revolutionary events in Moravia and Silesia, see Šindelář, Bedřich, Ohlas Mad'arské Revoluce 1848–1849 na Moraviavě Slezsku [The Echo of the Hungarian Revolution of 1848–1849 in Moravia and Silesia]. In Rozpravy Československé akademie věd, Řada společenských věd, Vol. LXVII, No. 3 (Prague: Nakladatelství Československé akademie věd, 1957).Google Scholar
3 Much has been written on the topic, especially by the nestor of Slovak historians, Daniel Rapant, in his classic multivolume work, Slovenské povstanie, 1848–1849: Dejiny a dokumenty [The Slovak Uprising of 1848–1849: History and Documents] (Turč. Sv. Martin: Matica slovenská; Bratislava: Slovenská akadémia vied, 1937)Google Scholar. See also thesurvey by Bokes, František and Mésároš, Július in Dejiny Slovenska [History of Slovakia], edited by Holotík, L'udovít (2 vols., Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akadémie vied, 1961–1968), Vol. II, pp. 7–88.Google Scholar
4 Palacký's political views and actions, and especially, the philosophical and historical theories on which they were ultimately based, are summarized in Zacek, Joseph F., Palacký: The Historian as Scholar and Nationalist (The Hague: Mouton, 1970).Google Scholar The most important primary and secondary sources are listed there. See also the following relevant titles: Havránek, Jan, “František Palacký—Politik a jeho doba” [František Palacký—A Statesman and His Times], in Památnik Palackého, 1798–1968 [A Palacký Memorial, 1798–1968], edited by Myška, Milan (Ostrava: Nakladatelství Profil, 1968), pp. 9–30Google Scholar; Válka, Josef, “František Palacký ve vývoji české národni kultury” [František Palacký in the Development of Czech National Culture], Host do domu, Vol. XV (1968), pp. 36–43Google Scholar; Zacek, Joseph, “Palacký and the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867,” in Der österreichisch-ungarische Ausgleich 1867, edited by Vantuch, Anton and Holotik, L'udovít (Bratislava: Vydavatel'stvo Slovenskej akadémie vied, 1971), pp. 555–573Google Scholar; and Plaschka, Richard Georg, “The Political Significance of František Palacký,” Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. VIII (July, 1973), pp. 35–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 Palacký's contacts with Magyar society and culture before 1848 have been carefully investigated by Pražák, Richard in “Palacký a Mad'aři před rokem 1848” [Palacký and the Magyars before 1848], Casopis Matice moravské, Vol. LXXVII, No. 1–2 (1958), pp. 74–99 (with copious references to pertinent Hungarian publications)Google Scholar; and briefly by Zacek, Joseph F. in “Slovakia and the Czech National Revival: Introduction to a Case Study,” in American Contributions to the Seventh International Congress of Slavists (Warsaw, August 21–27.1973), Vol. III: History, edited by Cienciala, Anna (The Hague: Mouton and Co., 1973), pp. 79–90 and passim.Google Scholar