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Iranian Elements in Khowar

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

Khowar, the predominant language of Chitral and of the adjacent parts of the Gilgit district, is characterized on the one hand by a tenacious preservation of ancient IA. sounds, forms, and words, and on the other hand by the existence of a remarkably large number of foreign elements. According to Sir George Grierson, Khowar “in some essential particulars agrees rather with the Ghalcha languages to the north”. And, drawing attention to the fact that the Chitral valley was formerly inhabited by Kalashas, he expresses the opinion that the originally homogeneous Dardic population of Kafiristan, Chitral, and Gilgit “was subsequently split into two by a wedge of Khō invasion, representing members of a different, but related, tribe coming from the north [of the Hindukush]”. In whatever way one may be inclined to interpret the position there can be no doubt that Kho., when compared with the neighbouring Dardic dialects, presents many peculiarities which deserve our attention.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1936

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References

page 657 note 1 LSI., viii, 2, p. 133.

page 657 note 2 Or, at any rate, Lower Chitral.

page 657 note 3 Loc. cit.

page 657 note 4 Cf. also, for instance, ‘wine’, rēni ‘dog’, is kīm ‘silk’, etc.

page 658 note 1 In ‘shirt’ < Prs.pīrahan the aspiration has been transposed. The origin of phirwāl, pilwāl ‘trousers’ is unknown to me. It rhymes with Prs. šarw¯l < Šlw¯r.

page 658 note 2 Palola (Dardic dial, in Chitral) ṣabfīki probably comes from Kho. Another kind of lucerne is called in Kalasha.

page 658 note 3 Vide Laufer, Sino-Iranica, p. 214.

page 658 note 4 Cf. Horn, Gr. Ir. Ph., i, 2, 33.

page 659 note 1 The distribution of the words for ‘gun’ miltiq, bandūq, and the various forms assumed by tufartg in Ir. and IA. would require a special study. Here it suffices to note that tuvek must have come from the north-west. The Dard dialects of the Kunar valley have forms borrowed through Psht. . Most Pamir dialects (andOrmuri) have the Turki word miltiq, or they employ the old local word for ' bow ' with a new meaning.

page 659 note 2 But Kal. ‘flute’ are genuine.

page 659 note 3 Report on a linguistic mission to Afghanistan, p. 75 f.

page 660 note 1 Kal. , durgaṭ may be adaptations of the Kho. word.

page 660 note 2 It is noteworthy that the native IA. word is used about animals, while the foreign and nobler one is reserved for human beings.

page 660 note 3 This derivation is rejected by Meillet ( BSL., 28, p. 133),Google Scholar who does not, of course, know the Kho. and Gabri forms. It is not necessary to assume, with Jokl. ( WuS., 12, p. 66)Google Scholar that xata has passed through an Ugrian language with Cf. also Yidgha-Munji xeyo ‘wall’?

page 660 note 4 Vide, NTS., 5, p. 40.Google Scholar

page 660 note 5 Ir. δ becomes γ in Kho. But in the group *δγ this treatment was excluded.

page 660 note 6 Pres. 1 pl. , pret. 3 pl. böžitani, etc. A different word is božik ‘to divide’ of IA. origin.

page 661 note 1 The existence of recent Wakhi settlers in the Yarkhun valley does not alter the situation in this respect.

page 661 note 2 Cf. Rep. Afgh., p. 79.

page 662 note 1 Cf. Report on a linguistic mission to Afghanistan, p. 76.

page 664 note 1 Palola loanword šay¯rž.

page 664 note 2 Cf. above, p. 662.

page 664 note 3 Also Yd. tïšno, etc., of Prs. origin.

page 671 note 1 Also the other Dardie languages contain some early Ir. loanwords. I have mentioned Shina, etc., gušpūr ' prince ', Rep., p. 76. Others are e.g. Kal. pareč (Dam. ) ‘sieve’: Parachi Kal. ‘small flat basket’, sohöla ‘big, deep basket’ < *sapat-: Prs. sapad, etc.; zhāntyak ‘child-bearing’: Av.ządya-; Gawar-Bari zātak, Bashkarik ‘boy(s)’: Phl. zātak; Dameli rōpak ‘fox’ (or IA ?); Ashkun ‘almond’: Prs. bādām, etc.; Palola bētingala ‘tomato, egg-plant’, Kohistani Shina bhatingar: Prs. (through Ir. ?).