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Streamlining the Procedures of the Canadian House of Commons, 1963–1966*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

Donald Page
Donald Page*
Affiliation:
Toronto
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Extract

In 1965, many Canadian and British writers paid tribute to the seven hundredth anniversary of the founding of the British Parliament, and this year, Canadians celebrate the one hundredth anniversary of theirs. Criticism of parliament has been vigorous and almost continuous throughout all these years, and in the midst of these celebrations Canadians are conscious of an apparent decline in the time-worn institution. On October 8, 1963, the Globe and Mail reprinted excerpts from prominent Canadian newspapers describing parliament as “a farce,” “a wasteful bore,” whose members were “incompetents and buffoons” who “had played the role of clowns.” If parliament is to remain a vital and central part of our democracy, it must be resurrected from the morass of ineffectuality into which it has fallen. Although much of the criticism can be dismissed as irresponsible because the public does not understand its workings or functions, there still remains a hard core of difficulties that must be examined.

L'utilisation abusive par les députés de procédures parlementaires désuètes et le nombre croissant des champs d'activité avec les problèmes administratifs qui s'ensuivent et sur lesquels la Chambre des Communes a droit de regard ont rendu nécessaire une modernisation de la procédure. Surmontant les obstacles historiques et traditionnels, la Chambre a adopté les changements les plus considérables de son histoire. Ces changements émanaient des suggestions présentées d'un Comité sur la Procédure en 1964–65 et du Gouvernement en mai 1965.

Une analyse des effets de ces changements, à la lumière des appréhensions manifestées par les députés au cours de débats sur l'adoption de ces suggestions, fait l'objet de cet article. Le fait de siéger dix heures et demi de plus par semaine a permis de consacrer plus de temps aux débats, mais une analyse de la dernière session révèle qu'il y a assez peu de lien entre la longueur de la session et le nombre de projets adoptés. L'abolition des appels sur les décisions de l'Orateur et le rejet de certaines questions de privilège ont réduit les pertes de temps procédurières qui s'étaient développées récemment et qui dégénéraient en querelles partisanes.

Une utilisation efficace des périodes allouées a été rendue possible grâce à l'application stricte, par l'Orateur Lamoureux, des règles sur la pertinence et la répétition et par son rejet des questions orales qui n'étaient pas jugées essentielles. Contrairement à leur crainte initiale, ni les députés sans responsabilités ministérielles, ni les partis à faible représentation n'ont été frustrés par la réduction du débat général sur le Discours du Trône et les motions de Subsides. La nouvelle limite de trente jours aux débats sur les Subsides semble raisonnable lorsqu'on la compare aux débats passés. Il est à espérer que les limites imposées pour certains débats spécifiques forceront les députés à préparer des discours plus convainquants, de manière à permettre Vexpression d'autres opinions.

Le changement procédurier le plus important est la clause qui a trait à la formation d'un comité inter-parti en vue d'obtenir en trois jours un accord unanime sur un agenda pour chacune ou pour toutes les étapes d'un projet de loi. A défaut d'une décision unanime, on doit accepter un agenda déterminé par le Gouvernement. Ce pouvoir de réserve n'a pas été utilisé, mais plusieurs députés craignent qu'un abus en ce sens puisse détruire notre système parlementaire. Quoiqu'il en soit, une utilisation raisonnable et limitée de ce pouvoir peut transformer la Chambre des Communes en un organisme efficace sans, pour autant, sacrifier les droits d'une minorité.

Tous les changements procéduriers ont été discutés au moins deux ans avant adoption et ont été approuvés par les deux-tiers de la Chambre. La tâche qui reste à accomplir est de s'assurer qu'ils soient proprement évalués avant d'être rejetés ou adoptés en permanence. On devra donner suffisamment de pouvoir au nouveau Comité Permanent sur la Procédure pour accomplir cette tâche. Les réformes donnent d'excellents résultats et devraient continuer à le faire si l'Orateur remplit ses fonctions avec tact et si les députés siègent de façon assidue.

Type
Articles
Information
Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science/Revue canadienne de economiques et science politique , Volume 33 , Issue 1 , February 1967 , pp. 27 - 49
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1967

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Footnotes

*

This paper was originally prepared under the direction of Professor J. E. Hodgetts as part of doctoral studies at the University of Toronto.

References

1 This was the time of the threatened Ralliement des Créditistes filibuster on interim supply. Globe and Mail, Oct. 8, 1963.

2 Vancouver Sun, quoted in ibid.

3 Globe and Mail, Oct. 8, 1963.

4 La Presse, quoted in ibid.

5 The Canadian Labour Congress presented a brief to the government demanding procedural reforms. Financial Post, Nov. 20, 1965.

6 1876, 1906, 1910, 1913, 1927, 1955, 1962, 1964, 1965.

7 House of Commons Debates (Canada), 03 18, 1946, p. 35.Google Scholar Hereafter cited as Debates.

8 “Speech of Prime Minister Pearson at Williamstown, Mass.,” June 12, 1966. Toronto Star, June 13, 1966.

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11 The importance of minor party status in the House of Commons can be seen in the efforts of the Ralliement des Créditistes to secure recognition as an official party in October 1963. By implication, a party with twelve members has had its party status recognized because of the special treatment afforded its leaders. Before long an effort will have to be made to define legally what constitutes a political party within the House of Commons. At present the procedures are designed for the operation of a two party House. If a minority government compromises on procedural rules to win support from the minority parties, rule changes may conceivably perpetuate the multi-party system.

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13 These figures do not take into account the large number of appeals on the Chairman's rulings in the Committee of the Whole House. Ibid., May 19, 1965, p. 1482.

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59 1957–65 average of 243 hours in a 25½ hour week; 1966 maximum of 260 hours in a 36 hour week.

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62 Standing Order 47(2), adopted on April 20, 1964, restricts the time to two hours and forty minutes.

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84 In a speech to the Women's Auxiliary of the Toronto Western Hospital. Toronto Star, Jan. 26, 1959.

85 This has been tried by the Liberal party, but it has been a difficult struggle according to Deputy Whip James Walker. Ibid., May 24, 1963.

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94 0n June 20, 1966, Mr. H. W. Herridge was stopped from asking a question on a pamphlet entitled Methodist Federation for Social Action. On June 21, 1966, Mr. Diefenbaker was stopped from quoting a newspaper and Mr. R. Basford told to put a question concerning the paving of the Alaska Highway on the order paper. (Ibid., 1966, pp. 6611, 6677, 6682).

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100 Both reports of the 1966 Standing Committee on Procedures have dealt with petitions—June 16, 1966 and July 5, 1966.

101 The committee system is beyond the scope of this paper on streamlining procedures. If the anticipated use of committees comes into effect, it will reduce House time, provided that the House does not rehash committee work. The use of the committee has many merits and has become necessary if the House is to continue its scrutinizing role. More first-rate work can be done in less time, and the House will have more hours to spend on other matters. However, the committees must be given the means and time to operate efficiently and not be in competition with the House. The use of procedural rules in standing and select committees is a subject deserving its own special study.