Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 November 2014
It was a strange caricature of the Red Indians which emerged as the “noble savage” from the scrutiny of the statesmen and the philosophes of the second half of the eighteenth century. “Mild and hospitable when at peace, though merciless in war beyond any known degree of human ferocity,” the “Indian was indebted to no one but himself; his virtues, his vices and his prejudices were his own work; he had grown up in the wild independence of his nature.” So wrote Alexis de Tocqueville, emphasizing a great truth but suggesting an important untruth. For the Indian was indeed independent in spirit, and his vices and many of his virtues were alien to Europeans. But however independent his nature might be, he was not economically independent. The Chipewa chief who met Alexander Henry at Michilimackinac in 1761 expressed much of the splendid independence of the Indians: “Englishman, though you have conquered the French, you have not yet conquered us. We are not your slaves. These lakes, these woods and mountains, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our inheritance: and we will part with them to none.” Alexander Henry, however, was present at Michilimackinac precisely because he knew that the Indians were not independent economically; he had gone up, and he stayed up through the dangers and vicissitudes of Pontiac's rebellion, because there was no doubt at all that, despite his savagery and despite his independence, the Indian would trade for European goods as soon as they were brought within his grasp.
1 Democracy in America, chap. 1.
2 Parkman, Francis, Conspiracy of Pontiac (6th ed., 1893), I, 329.Google Scholar
3 For Kelsey see Doughty, A. G. and Martin, Chester, eds., The Kelsey Papers (Ottawa, 1929), esp. 2–4, 8–10, 15, 16–18.Google Scholar
4 Works of Samuel de Champlain, I, 123–4.Google Scholar
5 Jesuit Relations, XXXI, 209–11.Google Scholar Cf. Innis, H. A., The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1956), chap. ii.Google Scholar
6 Hudson's Bay Company Archives, quoted by kind permission of the Governor and Committee, B/239/a/3.
7 Morton, A. S., A History of the Canadian West to 1870–71 (London, Toronto, 1939), 134–5.Google Scholar
8 Burpee, L. J., ed., “York Factory to the Blackfeet Country: The Journal of Anthony Hendry [later Henday], 1754–55” in Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, Third Series, I, 1907, sec. ii, 350–1Google Scholar; H.B.C. B/239/a/40, E/2/6, E/23/11.
9 H.B.C. B/239/a/59/6.
10 H.B.C. B/239/a/64/13, 15.
11 Morton, , Canadian West, 481–5.Google Scholar
12 Hudson's Bay Becord Society, XVIII, Black's Rocky Mountain Journal, lxxiv–lxxvi, 111–12, 161–2.Google Scholar
13 H.B.R.S., X, Simpson's 1828 Journey to the Columbia, 78.Google Scholar
14 Merk, Frederick, ed., Fur Trade and Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1931), 288, 300.Google Scholar
15 H.B.C. B/223/b/9/12.
16 H.B.R.S. IV, McLoughlin's Fort Vancouver Letters, First Series, 316–22.Google Scholar
17 See Morton, , Canadian West, 725.Google Scholar
18 H.B.C. A/9/4/79.
19 H.B.R.S., XII, James Isham's Observations on Hudson's Bay, 80–1.Google Scholar
20 For this system see: H.B.R.S., XX, Letters Outward, 1688–96, xliv–xlv Google Scholar; and XXI, The Hudson's Bay Company, 1670–1870, I, 594–597.Google Scholar
21 H.B.R.S. XII, Isham's Observations, 82–8.Google Scholar
22 H.B.C. A/11/43/120d.
23 H.B.R.S., XII, Isham's Observations, 49, 54.Google Scholar
24 H.B.C. A/11/115/148.
25 H.B.C. B/66/a/1/22–22d.
26 E.g. by Isham; see H.B.R.S., XII, Isham's Observations, 177.Google Scholar
27 H.B.R.S., XI, Letters Outward, 1679–94, 124 Google Scholar; and IX, Minutes, 1679–84, First Series, 175.
28 H.B.R.S., XI, Letters Outward, 1679–94, 124.Google Scholar
29 H.B.C. A/12/1/109; Merk, , ed., Fur Trade and Empire, 14–15.Google Scholar
30 Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book I, chap. vii.
31 Parliamentary Report, 1749, 234.
32 Ibid., 233.
33 H.B.C. A/18/1/195d.
34 H.B.C. A/18/1/27.
35 1749 Report, 225.
36 Ibid., 216.
37 Ibid., 217–19, 222–4.
38 H.B.C. A/18/1/142d.
39 1749 Report, 226, 227.
40 H.B.C A/18/1/195d.
41 H.B.C. A/18/1/202-202d.
42 1749 Report, 233.
43 Ibid., 230.
44 H.B.C. A/11/2/145.
45 This is not to deny that on many occasions the spirits were given in direct exchange for goods, especially in exchange for provisions or for canoes, but merely to deny that the price of liquor was an incentive to extra endeavour. Cf. H.B.R.S., XIV, Cumberland and Hudson House Journals, 1775–82, First Series, 299: “the Indians that came Yesterday traded a few Furrs for Liquor and got drank.”
46 Ibid., 288, 323.
47 Ibid., 314, 330 n. 1.
48 Ibid., 290.
49 Ibid., 317.
50 1749 Report, 220.
51 H.B.C. A/11/114/9.
52 H.B.C. A/9/4/79, Memo to the Lords of Trade, Oct. 3, 1750.
53 H.B.C. E/2/9/89d.
54 H.B C. E/2/5/13.
55 Smith, Wealth of Nations, Book V, chap. 1, Part iii.