Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 November 2009
Identifying the effect of macro-economic performance on levels of partisan support in Canada has attracted considerable attention. Findings in Canada, as elsewhere, often diverge depending upon whether aggregate or individual-level data are used. This study employs individual-level data from 1974 to 1984 to examine the effect of changes in unemployment and inflation on support for the various parties. Controlling for partisan and leader effects, we find that the electoral effect of inflation and unemployment is highly variable over time, and is in an unstable partisan direction. Indeed, at times the partisan effect was perverse.
Des efforts considérables ont été deployées pour identifier les effets de la performance macro-économique sur les soutiens accordés aux partis politiques canadiens. Au Canada, comme ailleurs, les conclusions different suivant l'emploi de données collectives ou individuelles. La présente étude a recourt à des données individuelles recueillies entre 1974 et 1984, et examine l'effet qu'ont eu sur les soutiens accordés aux divers partis les changements dans le chômage et l'inflation. Après avoir tenu compte de l'influence des partis et des chefs de partis, nous trouvons que l'effet de l'inflation et du chômage sur l'électorat est hautement variable dans le temps, ce qui rend toujours aléatoire l'appui pour un parti ou un autre. À tel point que l'effet partisan est parfois inversé.
1 The principal investigators for the 1974, 1979 and 1980 national election and panel studies were Harold Clarke, Jane Jenson, Lawrence LeDuc and Jon Pammett; the 1984 data were collected by Ronald Lambert, Steven Brown, James Curtis, Barry Kay and John Wilson. The data were made available by the ICPSR, and neither the Consortium nor the principal investigators is responsible for analyses or interpretations presented herein.
2 For a discussion of the distinction between egocentric and sociotropic judgments, see Kiewiet, RoderickMacroeconomics and Micropolitics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 5–26.Google Scholar
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8 Monroe, Kristen and Erickson, Lynda“The Economy and Political Support: The Case of Canada,” Journal of Politics 48 (1986), 629–40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Further analysis by Erickson, however, suggests that the effect of economic performance on NDP support may be less than initially estimated. See Erickson, Lynda“CCF-NDP Popularity and the Economy,” this JOURNAL 21 (1988), 99–116.Google Scholar
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11 The 1974 National Election Study included the following question: “How much were you personally affected by inflation over the past year or so, a great deal, some or not much at all?” However, this question was asked only of those who did not specifically mention inflation as personally important in the election. Since we are concerned with examining whether reported personal experience with inflation leads to more mentions of inflation, this variable is inappropriate for our purposes.
12 Our findings that egocentric economic conditions exert little or no effect on voting patterns is consistent with evidence from other advanced industrial democracies. See, for example, Lewis-Beck, Michael, “Comparative Economic Voting: Britain, France, Germany and Italy,” American Journal of Political Science 30 (1986), 315–46.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13 Detailed data are available from the authors on request.
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16 Data are not presented in tabular form.
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23 See Clarke et al., “Voting Behaviour and the Outcome of the 1979 Election.”
24 We recognize, of course, that one could apply a much less stringent operational definition, the effect of which would be to increase the measured effect of leadership and to reduce further the observed effect of economic performance. However, as we shall argue, even using the stricter definition, the importance of inflation has deteriorated markedly.
25 See, for example, Clarke et al., Political Choice in Canada, 243–72.
26 Note that the discriminating criterion in Panel 5-B is whether the respondent always felt close to the party voted for in 1984. The 1984 National Election Study does not contain a question asking whether the respondent always voted for that party, as does the 1979 study. The question selected was the closest available approximation.