Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-4rdpn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T08:25:33.076Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Is Indigeneity like Ethnicity? Theorizing and Assessing Models of Indigenous Political Representation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 August 2019

Meaghan Williams Open the ORCID record for Meaghan Williams [Opens in a new window]  and
Robert Schertzer
Meaghan Williams*
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, 100 St. George Street, Toronto, ON, M5S 3G3
Robert Schertzer
Affiliation:
Department of Political Science, University of Toronto, 100 St. George Street, Toronto, ON, M5S 3G3
*
*Corresponding author. Email: meaghan.williams@mail.utoronto.ca
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Within the broader literature on political representation, studies exploring Indigenous forms of representation are rather limited. Where they exist, they tend to explore how Western models of political representation include Indigenous peoples, conflating Indigenous groups with ethnic minorities. This article asks whether and how Indigenous political representation might be distinguished from the representation of ethnic minorities. Our argument is that Indigenous groups’ identities tend to be based on different claims and relationships to the state than ethnic groups, which leads to political mobilization seeking a means to respond to the colonial nation-state project. We develop a theoretical framework that identifies three principles that ought to inform an effective and legitimate model of Indigenous political representation: recognition, protection and decolonization. We then apply this theoretical framework to assess the extent to which existing models of Indigenous representation in Bolivia, Canada, New Zealand and Norway correspond with these three principles.

Résumé

Dans la bibliographie sur la représentation politique, les études explorant les formes autochtones de représentation sont plutôt limitées. Lorsqu'elles existent, elles ont tendance à déterminer la manière dont les modèles occidentaux de représentation politique incluent les peuples autochtones, les associant aux minorités ethniques. Cet article demande s'il convienne de distinguer la représentation politique autochtone de celle des minorités ethniques et dans quelle mesure. Notre argument est que les identités des groupes autochtones ont tendance à être fondées sur des revendications et des relations avec l'État différentes de celles des groupes ethniques, ce qui mène à une mobilisation politique recherchant le moyen de répondre au projet colonial nation-État. Nous élaborons un cadre théorique qui définit trois principes susceptibles de guider un modèle efficace et légitime de représentation politique autochtone : la reconnaissance, la protection et la décolonisation. Nous appliquons ensuite ce cadre théorique pour évaluer dans quelle mesure les modèles existants de représentation autochtone en Bolivie, au Canada, en Nouvelle-Zélande et en Norvège correspondent à ces trois principes.

Keywords

Political representationIndigenous peoplescomparative politicsethnic groups
Type
Research Article/Étude originale
Information
Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique , Volume 52 , Issue 4 , December 2019 , pp. 677 - 696
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abele, Frances and Prince, Michael J.. 2006. “Four Pathways to Aboriginal Self-Government in Canada.” American Review of Canadian Studies 36 (4): 568–95.10.1080/02722010609481408Google Scholar
Alcantara, Christopher, Spicer, Zachary and Leone, Roberto. 2012. “Institutional Design and the Accountability Paradox: A Case Study of Three Aboriginal Accountability Regimes in Canada.” Canadian Public Administration 55 (1): 69–90.10.1111/j.1754-7121.2012.00206.xGoogle Scholar
Alcantara, Christopher and Whitfield, Greg. 2010. “Aboriginal Self-Government through Constitutional Design: A Survey of Fourteen Aboriginal Constitutions in Canada.” Journal of Canadian Studies 44 (2): 122–45.10.3138/jcs.44.2.122Google Scholar
Alfred, Gerald R. 1995. Heeding the Voices of Our Ancestors. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Alfred, Taiaiake. 2005. Wasáse: Indigenous Pathways of Action and Freedom. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Alfred, Taiaiake. 2008. Peace, Power, Righteousness: An Indigenous Manifesto. 2nd ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Banducci, Susan A., Donovan, Todd and Karp, Jeffrey A.. 2004. “Minority Representation, Empowerment, and Participation.” Journal of Politics 66 (2): 534–56.10.1111/j.1468-2508.2004.00163.xGoogle Scholar
Barth, Fredrik. 1969. Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Culture Difference. Boston: Little, Brown.Google Scholar
Bird, Karen. 2014. “Ethnic Quotas and Ethnic Representation Worldwide.” International Political Science Review 35 (1): 12–26.Google Scholar
Borrows, John. 2000. “‘Landed’ Citizenship: Narratives of Aboriginal Political Participation.” In Citizenship, Diversity and Pluralism, ed. Cairns, Alan. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar
Bowen, James D. 2007. “Indigenous Movements and Political Representation in Latin America.” Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 2 (1): 93–103.10.1080/17442220601167376Google Scholar
Broderstad, Else Grete. 2011. “The Promises and Challenges of Indigenous Self-Determination: The Sami Case.” International Journal 66 (4): 893–907.10.1177/002070201106600416Google Scholar
Cairns, Alan C. 2001. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. 1991. Final Report: Reforming Electoral Democracy. Vol. 2. Ottawa.Google Scholar
Canada. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. 1996. Restructuring the Relationship. Vol. 2 of Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Ottawa.Google Scholar
Charters, Claire. 2010. “A Self-Determination Approach to Justifying Indigenous Peoples’ Participation in International Law and Policy Making.” International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17 (2): 215–40.10.1163/157181110X495872Google Scholar
Coulthard, Glen. 2014. Red Skin, White Masks: Rejecting the Colonial Politics of Recognition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.10.5749/minnesota/9780816679645.001.0001Google Scholar
Davidson, Adrienne. 2018. “Flexibility in the Federal System? Institutional Innovation and Indigenous Nations’ Self-Determination in the US and Canadian Far North.” Doctoral dissertation. University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario.Google Scholar
Dubois, Janique and Saunders, Kelly. 2013. “‘Just Do It!’: Carving Out a Space for the Métis in Canadian Federalism.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 46 (1): 187–214.10.1017/S0008423913000164Google Scholar
Evans, Glynn and Hill, Lisa. 2012. “The Electoral and Political Implications of Reserved Seats for Indigenous Australians.” Australian Journal of Political Science 47 (3): 491–505.10.1080/10361146.2012.704004Google Scholar
Eyford, Douglas. 2015. A New Direction: Advancing Aboriginal and Treaty Rights. Ottawa, Government of Canada.Google Scholar
Fleras, Augie. 1985. “From Social Control towards Political Self-Determination? Maori Seats and the Politics of Separate Maori Representation in New Zealand.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 18 (3): 551–76.10.1017/S0008423900032455Google Scholar
Fleras, Augie. 1991. “Aboriginal Electoral Districts for Canada: Lessons from New Zealand.” In Aboriginal Peoples and Electoral Reform in Canada, ed. Milen, Robert A.. Research Studies of the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing. Vol. 9. Toronto: Dundurn.Google Scholar
Gaski, Lina. 2008. “Contesting the Sami Polity: Discursive Representations in the Sami Electoral Campaign in 2005.” Acta Borealia 25 (1): 1–21.10.1080/08003830802302836Google Scholar
Henderson, James (sákéj) Youngblood. 1994. “Empowering Treaty Federalism.” Saskatchewan Law Review 58 (2): 241–329.Google Scholar
Henderson, James (Sákéj) Youngblood. 2002. “Sui Generis and Treaty Citizenship.” Citizenship Studies 6 (4): 415–40.Google Scholar
Hill, Richard. 2004. State Authority, Indigenous Autonomy: Crown-Māori Relations in New Zealand / Aotearoa 1900–1950. Wellington: Victoria University Press.Google Scholar
Htun, Mala. 2004. “Is Gender like Ethnicity? The Political Representation of Identity Groups.” Perspectives on Politics 2 (3): 439–58.10.1017/S1537592704040241Google Scholar
Htun, Mala. 2016. Inclusion without Representation in Latin America: Gender Quotas and Ethnic Reservations. New York: Cambridge University Press.10.1017/CBO9781139021067Google Scholar
Htun, Mala and Ossa, Juan Pablo. 2013. “Political Inclusion of Marginalized Groups: Indigenous Reservations and Gender Parity in Bolivia.” Politics, Groups and Identities 1 (1): 4–25.10.1080/21565503.2012.757443Google Scholar
Humpage, Louise. 2017. “Does Having an Indigenous Political Party in Government Make a Difference to Social Policy? The Maori Party in New Zealand.” Journal of Social Policy 46 (3): 475–94.10.1017/S0047279417000022Google Scholar
Irlbacher-Fox, Stephanie. 2009. Finding Dahshaa: Self-Government, Social Suffering and Aboriginal Policy in Canada. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Kingi, Tanira. n.d. Maori Landownership and Land Management in New Zealand. Palmerston North: Institute of Natural Resources, Massey University.Google Scholar
Knight, Trevor. 2001. “Electoral Justice for Aboriginal People in Canada.” McGill Law Journal 46 (4): 1063–116.Google Scholar
Kroeber, Corinna. 2017. “Exploring the Impact of Reserved Seat Design on the Quality of Minority Representation.” Ethnopolitics 16 (2): 196–216.10.1080/17449057.2015.1051326Google Scholar
Krook, Mona Lena and O'Brien, Diana Z.. 2010. “The Politics of Group Representation: Quotas for Women and Minorities Worldwide.” Comparative Politics 42 (3): 253–72.10.5129/001041510X12911363509639Google Scholar
Ladner, Kiera L. 2005. “Up the Creek: Fishing for a New Constitutional Order.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 38 (4): 923–53.Google Scholar
Ladner, Kiera L. and McCrossan, Michael. 2007. “The Electoral Participation of Aboriginal People.” Working Paper Series on Electoral Participation and Outreach Practices. Elections Canada, Ottawa.Google Scholar
Laponce, J. A. 1960. The Protection of Minorities. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Lublin, David and Wright, Matthew. 2013. “Engineering Inclusion: Assessing the Effects of Pro-Minority Representation Policies.” Electoral Studies 32 (4): 746–55.10.1016/j.electstud.2013.06.001Google Scholar
McHugh, Paul G. 1991. The Māori Magna Carta: New Zealand Law and the Treaty of Waitangi. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Maddison, Sarah. 2010. “White Parliament, Black Politics: The Dilemmas of Indigenous Parliamentary Representation.” Australian Journal of Political Science 45 (4): 663–80.10.1080/10361146.2010.517180Google Scholar
Maddison, Sarah. 2013. “Indigenous Identity, ‘Authenticity’ and the Structural Violence of Settler Colonialism.” Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 20 (3): 288–303.10.1080/1070289X.2013.806267Google Scholar
Madrid, Raúl L. and Rhodes-Purdy, Matthew. 2016. “Descriptive Representation and Regime Support in Latin America.” Political Studies 64 (4): 890–909.Google Scholar
Mansbridge, Jane. 1999. “Should Blacks Represent Blacks and Women Represent Women? A Contingent ‘Yes.’” Journal of Politics 61 (3): 628–57.10.2307/2647821Google Scholar
Medeiros, Mike and Frost, Benjamin. 2014. “Unrepresented No More: Noncontiguous Ridings Could Enhance Aboriginals’ Voice in Our Political Institutions.” Inroads (34): 118–25.Google Scholar
Morden, Michael. 2016. “Indigenizing Parliament: Time to Re-Start a Conversation.” Canadian Parliamentary Review 39 (2): 24–33.Google Scholar
Murphy, Michael. 2004. “Understanding Indigenous Nationalism.” In The Fate of the Nation-State, ed. Seymour, Michel. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar
Murphy, Michael. 2008. “Representing Indigenous Self-Determination.” University of Toronto Law Journal 58 (2): 185–216.Google Scholar
Nadasdy, Paul. 2017. Sovereignty's Entailments: First Nation State Formation in the Yukon. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.10.3138/9781487515720Google Scholar
Papillon, Martin. 2012. “Adapting Federalism: Indigenous Multilevel Governance in Canada and the United States.” Publius: The Journal of Federalism 42 (2): 289–312.10.1093/publius/pjr032Google Scholar
Pitkin, Hanna. 1967. The Concept of Representation. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.10.1525/9780520340503Google Scholar
Rehfeld, Andrew. 2006. “Towards a General Theory of Political Representation.” Journal of Politics 68 (1): 1–21.10.1111/j.1468-2508.2006.00365.xGoogle Scholar
Sabin, Jerald. 2014. “Contested Colonialism: Responsible Government and Political Development in Yukon.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 47 (2): 375–96.Google Scholar
Saward, Michael. 2006. “The Representative Claim.” Contemporary Political Theory 5 (3): 297–318.10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300234Google Scholar
Schertzer, Robert. 2016. “Quebec Justices as Quebec Representatives: National Minority Representation and the Supreme Court of Canada's Federalism Jurisprudence.” Publius 46 (4): 539–67.10.1093/publius/pjw017Google Scholar
Schertzer, Robert. 2018. “Mapping Institutional Mechanisms of Ethno-national Representation: Toward a Better Measurement Approach.” Nations and Nationalism 24 (4): 1046–75Google Scholar
Schouls, Tim. 1996. “Aboriginal Peoples and Electoral Reform in Canada: Differentiated Representation versus Voter Equality.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 29 (4): 729–49.10.1017/S0008423900014451Google Scholar
Semb, Anne Julie. 2005. “Sami Self-Determination in the Making?” Nations and Nationalism 11 (4): 531–49.10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00218.xGoogle Scholar
Smith, Anthony D. 1998. Nationalism and Modernism. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Smith, Anthony D. 2009. Ethno-Symbolism and Nationalism: A Cultural Approach. London: Routledge.10.4324/9780203876558Google Scholar
Swain, Carol. 1993. Black Faces, Black Interests: The Representation of African Americans in Congress. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Google Scholar
Tanguay, Brian and Bittle, Steven. 2005. “Parliament as a Mirror to the Nation: Promoting Diversity in Representation through Electoral Reform.” Canadian Issues, Summer: 61–63.Google Scholar
The Global Americans. 2017. “Report on indigenous political representation: Introduction and summary.” https://theglobalamericans.org/2017/10/report-indigenous-political-representation-introduction-summary/ (retrieved May 2, 2018).Google Scholar
Tockman, Jason, Cameron, John and Plata, Wilfredo. 2015. “New Institutions of Indigenous Self-Governance in Bolivia: Between Autonomy and Self-Discipline.” Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 10 (1): 37–59.10.1080/17442222.2015.1034442Google Scholar
Tuck, Eve and Yang, K. Wayne. 2012. “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society 1 (1): 1–40.Google Scholar
Turgeon, Luc and Gagnon, Alain-G.. 2013. “The Representation of Ethnic and Linguistic Groups in the Federal Civil Service of Belgium and Canada.” Canadian Public Administration 56 (4): 565–83.Google Scholar
Weaver, Hilary N. 2001. “Indigenous Identity: What Is It and Who Really Has It?” American Indian Quarterly 25 (2): 240–55.10.1353/aiq.2001.0030Google Scholar
Williams, Melissa. 2016. “Indigenous Representation, Self-Determination and Electoral Reform.” In Should We Change How We Vote? Evaluating Canada's Electoral System, ed. Potter, Andrew, Weinstock, Daniel and Loewen, Peter. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar