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Max Rubner and the Biopolitics of Rational Nutrition

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 March 2008

Corinna Treitel
Corinna Treitel
Affiliation:
Washington Universityin St. Louis
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Extract

Eager to move on after the divisive Sonderweg debates of the 1980s, historians of modern Germany have been busily elaborating a new central narrative around the notion of biopolitics. Aimed at producing a more powerful and productive society by regulating, optimizing, and even exterminating specific human populations, biopolitics has encompassed everything from housing reform, anti-smoking campaigns, and child vaccination programs to pro- and anti-natalist tax policies, national census taking, and the science of industrial hygiene. Identified by Michel Foucault and others as a general feature of all Western modernities, biopolitics has been a particularly fruitful concept for German historians, who have used it to trace the evolution of racial hygiene—the Nazi variant of eugenics and Germany's most infamous application of biopolitical principles—from a politically diverse group of Wilhelmine and Weimar social reformers. The very normality of these reformers, given the international context, has in turn allowed scholars to avoid labeling German modernity as deviant while at the same time framing the murderous dynamic of the Nazi years as a potential latent in modernity more generally. As Edward Ross Dickinson put it in an excellent review article recently, Germany has emerged from this reevaluation “not as a nation having trouble modernizing, but as a nation of troubling modernity.”

Type
Research Article
Information
Central European History , Volume 41 , Issue 1 , March 2008 , pp. 1 - 25
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2008

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References

1 Dickinson, Edward Ross, “Biopolitics, Fascism, Democracy: Some Reflections on Our Discourse About ‘Modernity,’” Central European History 37 (2004): 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The classic statement on biopolitics by Foucault, Michel is “Right of Death and Power Over Life,” in The History of Sexuality: An Introduction (New York: Vintage Books, 1980), 136–140Google Scholar.

2 For a similar critique, see also the introduction of Eley, Geoff and Retallack, James, eds., Wilhelminism and Its Legacies: German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meanings of Reform, 1890–1930 (New York: Berghahn, 2003)Google Scholar.

3 By tracing lines of continuity across the twentieth century and through so many political permutations, my approach also has much in common with the route recommended in Geyer, Michael and Jarausch, Konrad, Shattered Past: Reconstructing German Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

4 For suggestive links on Rubner and body history, see Rabinbach, Anson, The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992)Google Scholar. The best biographical sketches are Sabine Wildt, , “Bemerkungen zu Max Rubners Tätigkeit als Ordinarius f. Hygiene an der Berliner Universität (1891–1908),” Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Mathematisch-Naturwissenschaftliche Reihe 28 (1979): 301–307Google Scholar; and Fick, R., “Gedächtnisrede,” Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (1932): CXXVIII–CXLVIGoogle Scholar. Fick's article also has an excellent bibliography. In English, see Rothschuh, K. E., “Rubner, Max,” in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, vol. XI, ed. Gillespie, Charles (New York: Scribner, 1970), 585–586Google Scholar. The few existing histories of modern nutrition science barely mention Rubner. See, for instance, Carpenter, Kenneth, Protein and Energy: A Study of Changing Ideas in Nutrition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

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6 The standard values for a mixed diet (meat and vegetable) are as follows: 1 gram protein=4.1 calories, 1 gram fat=9.3 calories, 1 gram carbohydrates=4.1 calories. This work was summarized in Rubner, Max, Gesetze des Energieverbrauchs bei der Ernährung (Leipzig: F. Deuticke, 1902)Google Scholar and translated as The Laws of Energy Consumption in Nutrition (Natick, MA: U.S. Army Research Institute of Environmental Medicine, 1968).

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10 Wildt, Bemerkungen, 302 and 304.

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12 Rubner, Max, “Experimentelle Untersuchungen über die modernen Bekleidungssyteme,” Archiv für Hygiene 29 (1897): 269–303Google Scholar; 31 (1897): 142–215; and 32 (1898): 1–132. Rubner, Max and Heubner, O., “Die künstliche Ernährung eines normalen und eines atrophischen Säuglings,” Zeitschrift für Biologie 36 (1898): 315–398Google Scholar. Rubner, Max, Beiträge zur Ernährung im Knabenalter mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Fettsucht (Berlin: Hirschwald, 1902)Google Scholar. Rubner, Max, Das Problem der Lebensdauer und seine Beziehungen zu Wachstum und Ernährung (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1908)Google Scholar.

13 Wildt, Bemerkungen, 305.

14 Steudel, “Max Rubner,” 203–204.

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16 For Rubner, an “average” worker was an adult male weighing seventy kilograms. When engaged in moderate physical labor, this worker required a daily intake of approximately 3,100 calories and 30 to 118 grams of protein to maintain physical health. In proposing that the daily protein minimum might be as low as 30 grams, Rubner broke with scientific consensus, which set the minimum at 118 grams. Dietary reformers such as Mikkel Hindhede and Russell Chittenden had persuaded him to abandon this benchmark, at least in principle. In practice, he continued to waffle on what the minimum actually was for the rest of his career. Rubner, Max, Volksernährungsfragen (Leipzig: Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft, 1908), 37–41 and 69Google Scholar. Rubner, Wandlungen, 71. For the controversy over the true protein minimum, see Carpenter, Protein and Energy.

17 To make matters worse, Rubner warned, rising meat prices were driving up sandwich costs, a development sure to depress workers' nutritional and economic state even further. Rubner, Wandlungen, 101–104.

18 Rubner, Volksernärhungsfragen, 99–103.

19 Rubner, Wandlungen, 117. Rubner was prescient in identifying street foods as a new and potentially threatening feature of the urban landscape. The problem was not rediscovered until the late 1980s, when the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations made it a focus of inquiry. See Street Foods: Report of an FAO Technical Meeting on Street Foods, Calcutta, India, 6–9 November 1995. FAO Food and Nutrition Paper 63 (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, 1997), 2.

20 Rubner, Wandlungen, 3. Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen, 52–53.

21 Teuteberg, Hans-Jürgen, “Wie ernährten sich Arbeiter im Kaiserreich?,” in Arbeiterexistenz im 19. Jahrhundert. Lebensstandard und Lebensgestaltung deutscher Arbeiter und Handwerker, ed. Conze, Werner and Engelhardt, Ulrich (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett, 1981), 57–73Google Scholar.

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24 Rubner, Wandlungen, 107.

25 Teuteberg, “Der Verzehr von Nahrungsmitteln,” 252, 267, and 275. Nonn, Christoph, “Fleischvermarktung im Deutschland im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert,” Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1996), 55 and 62–64Google Scholar.

26 Rubner, Wandlungen, 61–68.

27 Brock, William H., Justus von Liebig: The Chemical Gatekeeper (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 215–249Google Scholar.

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29 Voit, for instance, reinforced “meat makes meat” by emphasizing meat as the essential element “in a rational normal diet” (zu einer rationallen mittleren Kost). Quoted in Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen, 86.

30 Ibid., 112.

31 Rubner, Wandlungen, 113.

32 Rubner's attack on the irrationality of the urban diet focused on meat but did acknowledge other factors, particularly alcohol consumption. See, for instance, Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen, 120.

33 On Volksernährung, see Teuteberg, Hans J., “Studien zur Volksernährung unter sozial- und wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Aspekten,” in Teuteberg, H. J. and Wiegelmann, G., Der Wandel der Nahrungsgewohnheiten unter dem Einfluß der Industrialisierung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 44–49Google Scholar. On food riots, see Gailus, Manfred, “Food Riots in Germany in the Late 1840s,” Past and Present 145 (November 1994): 157–193CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Der Kampf um das tägliche Brot. Nahrungsmangel, Versorgungspolitik und Protest, 1770–1990, ed. Manfred Gailus and Heinrich Volkmann (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1994).

34 Kamminga, Harmke, “Nutrition for the People, or the Fate of Jacob Moleschott's Contest for a Humanist Science,” The Science and Culture of Nutrition, 1840–1940, ed. Kamminga, Harmke and Cunningham, Andrew (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995), 15–47Google Scholar.

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40 For more on the intertwining of science and politics in nineteenth-century Germany, see Daum, Andreas, Wissenschaftspopularisierung im 19. Jahrhundert. Bürgerliche Kultur, naturwissenschaftliche Bildung und die deutsche Öffentlichkeit, 1848–1914 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1998)Google Scholar; and Goschler, Constantin, Rudolf Virchow. Mediziner, Anthropologe, Politiker (Cologne: Böhlau, 2002)Google Scholar.

41 Grotjahn, Alfred, “Über Wandlungen in der Volksernährung,” in Staats- und socialwissenschaftliche Forschungen, vol. 20, ed. Schmoller, Gustav (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1902), 1–72Google Scholar. See also Teuteberg, Der Wandel der Nahrungsgewohnheiten, 44–62. For more on the Verein für Sozialpolitik, see Ringer, Fritz, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890–1933 (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1990), 146–162Google Scholar; vom Bruch, Rüdiger, ed., Weder Kommunismus noch Kapitalismus. Bürgerliche Sozialreform in Deutschland vom Vormärz bis zur Ära Adenauer (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1985)Google Scholar; and Sachße, Christoph and Tennstedt, Florian, Geschichte der Armenfürsorge in Deutschland. Band 2. Fürsorge und Wohlfahrtspflege 1871–1929 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1988), 17–22Google Scholar.

42 Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen, 54–57, 88–89, and 103–106.

43 On a daily basis, Rubner estimated, a sedentary adult German male of seventy kilos required about 2,400 calories; one engaged in moderately active work required about 3,100; and one performing hard physical labor required anywhere from 3,800 to 4,500. Ibid., 58, 69, and 90–92.

44 Ibid., 3, 60–61, and 99–101.

45 Ibid., 48 and 50–52.

46 Rubner, Wandlungen, 26–27.

47 Rubner, Volksernährungsfragen, 137.

48 Ibid., 142–143.

49 Rubner, Wandlungen, 4. Rubner, Max, “The Nutrition of the People,” in Transactions of the Fifteenth International Congress on Hygiene and Demography, Washington, D.C., September 23–28, 1912, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C., Government Printing Office, 1913), 393Google Scholar.

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51 Allen, Keith, “Von der Volksküche zum Fast Food. Essen Ausser Haus im Wilhelminischen Deutschland,” Geschichtswerkstatt 31 (2002): 9 and 22Google Scholar. Note that Heyl also coauthored the 1914 Eltzbacher report with Rubner (see below).

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53 “Address of President Taft at the Fifteenth International Congress on Hygiene and Demography,” Science (October 18, 1912): 508.

54 See, for instance, Lafontaine, Henri and Otlet, Paul, “La vie internationale et l'effort pour son organisation,” in La Vie Internationale, Vol. I (Brussels: n.p., 1912), 14Google Scholar.

55 Between 1840 and 1914, at least 3,000 international gatherings took place, and more than 450 non-governmental as well as more than thirty governmental organizations with an international profile emerged. Lyons, F. S. L., Internationalism in Europe 1815–1914 (Leyden: A. W. Sythoff, 1963), 11–14Google Scholar.

56 Eijkman, P. H., L'Internationalisme Scientifique (La Haye: Bureau Préliminaire de la Fondation pour L'Internationalisme, 1911), appendix (unnumbered page)Google Scholar. The group underwent several name changes before finally settling on “International Congress of Hygiene and Demography.” The group considered public health in its broadest aspect, with regular sections on the health of infants and school-age children, the control of epidemics and infectious diseases, military and colonial medicine, and the hygiene of living quarters, transport, and public buildings.

57 Lyons, Internationalism, 229. This was a forerunner of the Codex alimentarius, set up by WHO and FAO in the early 1960s to develop international food standards. See Goodman, Neville M., International Health Organizations and Their Work, 2nd ed. (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 1971), 291–293Google Scholar.

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59 Schröder-Gudehus, Brigitte, Deutsche Wissenschaft und Internationale Zusammenarbeit 1914–1928. Ein Beitrag zum Studium kultureller Beziehungen in politischen Krisenzeiten (Geneva: Dumaret & Golay, 1966), 49Google Scholar.

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61 Max Rubner, “Deutschlands Ernährung im Krieg, Vortrag im Reichstag 17.12.1914,” Max Planck Gesellschaft-Archiv (MPG-Archiv), III. Abt., Rep. 8, Nr. 134–6.

62 Aereboe, Friedrich, Ballod, Karl, Beyschlag, Franz, Caspari, Wilhlem, Eltzbacher, Paul, Heyl, Hedwig, Krusch, Paul, Kuczynski, Robert, Lehmann, Kurt, Lemmermann, Otto, Oppenheimer, Karl, Rubner, Max, von Rümker, Kurt, Tacke, Bruno, Warmbold, Hermann, and Zuntz, Nathan, Die deutsche Volksernährung und der englische Aushungerungsplan. Eine Denkschrift, ed. Eltzbacher, Paul (Braunschweig: Friedr. Vieweg & Sohn, 1914), 158–196CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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69 Fick, “Gedächtnisrede,” CXXXIV.

70 Lusk, “Contributions,” 134. Rubner, Max, “Das Ernährungswesen im allgemeinen,” Deutschlands Gesundheitsverhältnisse unter dem Einfluss des Weltkrieges, ed. Bumm, F., vol. II (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1928), 14–19Google Scholar.

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73 The Starving of Germany (Berlin: L. Schumacher, 1919), 3–7.

74 Offer, The First World War, 24, 34, 48, 51, and 53. Although Offer's book has been widely praised, he makes many factual mistakes in his discussion of Rubner. He claims on pages 43–44, for instance, that Rubner was an ardent defender of the traditional high-protein, high-meat diet. In fact, Rubner had clearly rejected this view by 1908 and, indeed, criticized the traditional diet loudly and persistently throughout the war.

75 Kuczynski was one of the authors of the 1914 Eltzbacher report. Robert Kuczynski, Das Existenzminimum und verwandte Fragen (Berlin: H. R. Engelmann, 1921). For a historical overview, see Leibfried, Stephan, Nutritional Minima and the State: On the Institutionalization of Professional Knowledge in National Social Policy in the U.S. and Germany (Bremen: Zentrum für Sozialpolitik, 1992), 21–27Google Scholar.

76 See, for example, Rubner, Max, “Die Welternährung in Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft,” in Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Physikalisch-Mathematische Klasse (1928): 159–183Google Scholar. For the boycott against German scientists, see Schröder-Gudehus, Deutsche Wissenschaft, 43–47 and 271, and Grundmann, Siegfried, “Deutsche Wissenschaft und Ausland in der Statistik,” Forschungen und Fortschritte 9 (1933): 330–332Google Scholar.

77 Nutrition: Final Report of the Mixed Committee of the League of Nations on the Relation of Food to Health, Agriculture, and Economic Policy (Geneva: League of Nations, 1937), 36. For the history of the LNHO, see Weindling, Paul, ed., International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 United Nations Conference on Food and Agriculture, Hot Springs, Virginia, May 18–June 3, 1943: Final Act and Section Reports (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943), 1.

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