Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 September 2008
With his sharp denunciation of the ‘old fetishes of so-called international bankers’ for fixed exchange rates on the gold-exchange standard, President Franklin D. Roosevelt allegedly consigned the World Economic and Monetary Conference to failure.1 The conference had been convened in June 1933 to tackle the crippling levels of ‘beggar-thy-neighbour’ economic policies which were strangling the international economy during the Great Depression; its brief was so appealing and its concerns so broad, that sixty-five nations came to London that summer. But from the outset of conference preparations, which began in the autumn of 1932, the issue of central banking co-operation was to highlight many of the difficulties which plagued not only co-operative central bank efforts to revive the international economy but also dilemmas which faced central banks in their relations with their domestic governments.
1 Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1931–35 (thereafter FRUS), Vol. 1 (Washington DC: State Department, 1933), 673–4.Google ScholarThe original document was given by the President to FDR jnr; see memorandum by Roosevelt, 3 July 1933, FDR OF: 17, Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York.Google Scholar
2 Sayers, R. S., The Bank of England, 1891–1944 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986 ed.), 455.Google Scholar
3 The American figures, in particular, are a matter of some dispute. See Fearon, P., War, Prosperity and Depression: the U.S. Economy, 1917–1945 (Oxford: Philip Allan, 1987), 207.Google Scholar
4 Clarke, S. V. O., ‘The Reconstruction of the International Monetary System: the Attempts of 1922 and 1933’, Princeton Studies in International Finance, No. 33 (Princeton: International Finance Section, 1973)Google Scholar, 41. Kunz interprets the British authorities as ‘increasingly angry with former allies who they increasingly seemed to blame for the gold standard’s demise'.See Kunz, D., The Battle for Britain's Gold Standard in 1931 (London: Croom Helm, 1987), 160.Google Scholar
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6 Little has been written on central bank co-operation for the Economic Conference; the best account is in Sayers, Bank, 453–9. Most scholarship has concentrated on governmental monetary policy; for the best published examples see Drummond, I., The Floating Pound and the Sterling Area, 1931–9 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mouré, K., Managing the Franc Poincaré: Economic Understanding and Political Constraint in French Monetary Policy, 1928–36 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicols, J., ‘Roosevelt's Monetary Diplomacy in 1933’, American Historical Review, No. 56 (Jan. 1951), 295–317CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For the most recent account of the ambitions and limitations of central banks in this period, see James, H., Lindgren, H. and Teichova, A. (eds), The Role of Banks in the Interwar Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press/Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Home, 1991).Google Scholar
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11 The Governor fell sick at the beginning of Aug. and left to convalesce in Maine on 15 Aug. He did not return to the bank until 28 Sept. See Sayers, , Bank, 394.Google Scholar
12 Ibid., 417–18.
13 The Bank also sought Treasury approval for a scheme to repay central bank and government credits to Morgans in New York. Kunz, Battle, 159.
14 Leith-Ross to Warren Fisher, 14 July 1932, T 188'43, Leith-Ross Papers. Leith-Ross even favoured appointing Niemeyer as Britain's representative (not simply adviser) on monetary policy, but this choice was vetoed by the Chancellor. Of delegates appointed to represent their governments, only two were employees of central banks: J. A. Trip, President of the Preparatory Commission, who was President of the Bank of the Netherlands; and H. W. Vocke, the German representative on monetary issues, who was a member of the board of directors at the Reichsbank.Google Scholar
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17 The question of a restabilised pound was the main issue of interest in the conference for the Federal Reserve Bank of New York; see Sproul to Harrison, 8 July 1932, C261, FRBNY.Google Scholar
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19 Britain had nominated Sir Frederick Phillips, Under-Secretary at the Treasury and Sir Frederick Leith-Ross, the government's Chief Economic Adviser; the United States, Edmund Day, Director of Social Science at the Rockefeller Foundation, and John Williams, Professor of Economics at Harvard; and France, Charles Rist, former Deputy Governor at the Bank of France and Jean Parmentier, Director General at the Ministry of Finance. Each of these representatives was assisted by central bank advisers who often doubled as representatives of the BIS.
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21 ibid. Fraser's points were: the essential nature of progress on political difficulties; the level of Anglo–French political indebtedness to the United States; the need to ease restrictions to international trade; the need to address problems in short-term capital movements; and long-term international indebtedness.
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24 A case argued extensively elsewhere. See Clavin, Patricia M., ‘The World Economic Conference: the Economic Diplomacy of Britain, the United States, Germany and France in the Great Depression’, PhD thesis (University of London, 1990).Google Scholar
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26 Published draft note on the Work of the Financial Sub-committee of the Preparatory Commission,4 Nov. 1932,LN CP/Con/ME/F2Google Scholar. The Bank of England accepted the Report of the Gold Delegation as ‘a sufficiently good working basis for the future functioning of the gold standard’; see Siepmann note of conversation with Rodd,2 Nov. 1932,OV 4/72,Google Scholar BOE. For the Treasury view, see Drummond, Floating Pound, 130–3.
27 Report on the First Preparatory Commission, 10 Nov. 1932, T 188/68.Google Scholar
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43 Minute by J. E. James, 30 Nov. 1932, OV 4/72, BOE: for the Bank there was no doubt that ‘this country could take part far more effectively in the rise of prices once the pound has been stabilised’.Google Scholar
44 Mills to Owen Young, 16 Dec. 1932, Mills, 9, Private Papers of Ogden Mills, Library of Congress, Washington DC (thereafter LC)Google Scholar. American frustration on this question was often channelled into hostility directed at Neville Chamberlain, rather than at the Government as a whole. For an example see Leffingwell to Lamont, 31 Jan. 1933, Lamont: 112–13, Private Papers of Thomas Lamont, Baker Library, Harvard University.Google Scholar
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