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‘The Fetishes of So-Called International Bankers’: Central Bank Co-operation for the World Economic Conference, 1932–3*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 September 2008

Extract

With his sharp denunciation of the ‘old fetishes of so-called international bankers’ for fixed exchange rates on the gold-exchange standard, President Franklin D. Roosevelt allegedly consigned the World Economic and Monetary Conference to failure.1 The conference had been convened in June 1933 to tackle the crippling levels of ‘beggar-thy-neighbour’ economic policies which were strangling the international economy during the Great Depression; its brief was so appealing and its concerns so broad, that sixty-five nations came to London that summer. But from the outset of conference preparations, which began in the autumn of 1932, the issue of central banking co-operation was to highlight many of the difficulties which plagued not only co-operative central bank efforts to revive the international economy but also dilemmas which faced central banks in their relations with their domestic governments.

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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1992

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References

1 Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1931–35 (thereafter FRUS), Vol. 1 (Washington DC: State Department, 1933), 673–4.Google ScholarThe original document was given by the President to FDR jnr; see memorandum by Roosevelt, 3 July 1933, FDR OF: 17, Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library, Hyde Park, New York.Google Scholar

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13 The Bank also sought Treasury approval for a scheme to repay central bank and government credits to Morgans in New York. Kunz, Battle, 159.

14 Leith-Ross to Warren Fisher, 14 July 1932, T 188'43, Leith-Ross Papers. Leith-Ross even favoured appointing Niemeyer as Britain's representative (not simply adviser) on monetary policy, but this choice was vetoed by the Chancellor. Of delegates appointed to represent their governments, only two were employees of central banks: J. A. Trip, President of the Preparatory Commission, who was President of the Bank of the Netherlands; and H. W. Vocke, the German representative on monetary issues, who was a member of the board of directors at the Reichsbank.Google Scholar

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27 Report on the First Preparatory Commission, 10 Nov. 1932, T 188/68.Google Scholar

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44 Mills to Owen Young, 16 Dec. 1932, Mills, 9, Private Papers of Ogden Mills, Library of Congress, Washington DC (thereafter LC)Google Scholar. American frustration on this question was often channelled into hostility directed at Neville Chamberlain, rather than at the Government as a whole. For an example see Leffingwell to Lamont, 31 Jan. 1933, Lamont: 112–13, Private Papers of Thomas Lamont, Baker Library, Harvard University.Google Scholar

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92 The Bank of France was ready to deliver on demand to the other two banks any amount of gold corresponding to the deliveries of their purchases of francs. The workings of the agreement were to remain secret and confined to the duration of the conference.Google Scholar

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104 James Moore's assertion that this drain on the guilder caught the international community unawares is mistaken. The Federal Reserve and the British Treasury had suspected in May and early June that the guilder, more than the franc or Reichsmark – both rumoured possible victims of American speculation at various points during the conference – was the most likely to experience strain. See Moore, , ‘World Economic Conference’,211;Fraser to Crane,28 June 1933, BIS 1 Jan.–30 June 1933Google Scholar, FRBNY, 7th meeting of the British delegation,22 June 1933,Cab 29/142,Records of Cabinet Office, International Conferences, PRO.Google Scholar

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