Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-fbnjt Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T15:49:38.014Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

‘Imbued with the Essence of the Owner’: Personhood and Possessions in the Reopening and Reworking of Viking-Age Burials

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2017

Alison Margaret Klevnäs
Alison Margaret Klevnäs*
Affiliation:
Stockholm University, Sweden
*
[email: alison.klevnas@ark.su.se]
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

This article examines the wide range of grave disturbance practices seen in Viking-age burials across Scandinavia. It argues that the much-debated reopenings at high-profile sites, notably the Norwegian ‘royal’ mounds, should be seen against a background of widespread and varied evidence for burial reworking in Scandinavia throughout the first-millennium AD and into the Middle Ages. Interventions into Viking-age graves are interpreted as disruptive, intended to derail practices of memory-creation set in motion by funerary displays and monuments. However, the reopening and reworking of burials were also mnemonic citations in their own right, using a recurrent set of practices to make heroic, mythological, and genealogical allusions. The retrieval of portable artefacts was a key element in this repertoire, and in this article I use archaeological and written sources to explore the particular concepts of ownership which enabled certain possessions to work as material citations appropriating attributes of dead persons for living claimants.

Cet article traite d'un large éventail de types de remaniements de sépultures documentés dans toute la Scandinavie à l’époque viking. La «violation» fort discutée de sépultures sur certains sites prestigieux, tels les tertres «royaux» de Norvège, fait, à notre avis, partie des témoignages nombreux et variés concernant le remaniement de sépultures en Scandinavie qui eut lieu tout au long du premier millénaire apr. J.-C. et jusqu'au Moyen Age. On interprète les interventions dans ces sépultures de l’époque viking comme représentant des actes perturbateurs qui avaient pour but de dérailler les pratiques liées à la création d'une mémoire mise en marche par les rites funéraires et les monuments. Cependant la réouverture et le réaménagement des sépultures étaient aussi des citations mnémoniques à part entière qui mettaient en œuvre un ensemble de pratiques récurrentes faisant allusion à des aspects héroïques, mythologiques et généalogiques. La récupération d'objets mobiliers était un élément clef dans ce répertoire. Notre article fait état des sources archéologiques et littéraires dans le but d’étudier des notions particulières de propriété qui permettaient à certaines possessions de servir de citations matérielles empruntant les attributs des morts en faveur de revendicateurs vivants. Translation by Madeleine Hummler

In diesem Artikel wird ein breites Spektrum von Grabstörungen in wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern aus ganz Skandinavien untersucht. Es wird hier deutlich gemacht, dass die viel diskutierten Fälle von widereröffneten Gräbern in hochrangigen Gräberstätten, vor allem in den „königlichen“ Grabhügeln in Norwegen, vor dem Hintergrund der weitverbreiteten und unterschiedlichen Belege zur Umgestaltung von Gräbern im skandinavischen ersten Jahrtausend n. Chr. und bis ins Mittelalter gesehen werden müssen. Eingriffe in wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern werden als störend angesehen; die Absicht ist, Bräuche der Erzeugung des Gedenkens, die mit der Aufführung von repräsentativen Bestattungen und Grabdenkmäler zusammenhängen, zu entgleisen. Die Wiedereröffnung und Umgestaltung von Gräbern war aber auch eine eigenständige Form mnemonischer Zitierung, die immer wiederkehrende Bräuche benutzten, um auf heroische, mythologische und genealogische Erscheinungen anzuspielen. Die Wiederauffindung von tragbaren Gegenständen war ein entscheidender Bestandteil dieses Verhaltensrepertoires; im vorliegenden Artikel werden archäologische und schriftliche Quellen untersucht, um bestimmte Konzepte des Besitzes, die gewisse Besitztümer als materielle Zitate, die sich die Eigenschaften der Toten für die Lebenden aneigneten, zu erläutern. Translation by Madeleine Hummler

Keywords

Viking-ageScandinaviamortuary archaeologygrave disturbancemonumentsburial archaeologysocial memoryheirloomsépoque vikingScandinaviearchéothanatologieremaniement de sépulturesmonumentsarchéologie funérairemémoire socialepatrimoineWikingerzeitSkandinavienArchäologie der GrabsittenGrabstörungenDenkmälerGräbersoziales GedächtnisErbstücke
Type
Article
Information
European Journal of Archaeology , Volume 19 , Issue 3 , 2016 , pp. 456 - 476
Copyright
Copyright © 2016 the European Association of Archaeologists 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Anderbjörk, J.E. 1939. Nabberör i Böda. Undersökningen av en märklig ölandsk båtgrav. Meddelanden. Kalmar Läns Fornminnesförening, 27:63–72.Google Scholar
Andersen, H. 1995. The Graves of the Jelling Dynasty. Acta Archaeologica, 66:281–300.Google Scholar
Andrén, A. 2013. The Significance of Places: The Christianization of Scandinavia from a Spatial Point of View. World Archaeology, 45:27–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Androshchuk, F. 2014. Viking Swords: Swords and Social Aspects of Weaponry in Viking Age Societies. Stockholm: Swedish History Museum.Google Scholar
Arbman, H., Cederlund, C.O., Greenhill, B. & Roberts, O.T.P. 1993. The Årby Boat. Stockholm: Statens Historiska Museum & Båtdokumentationsgruppen.Google Scholar
Arne, T. 1934. Das Bootgräberfeld von Tuna in Alsike, Uppland. Stockholm: The Royal Swedish Academy of Letters, History and Antiquities.Google Scholar
Arrhenius, B. 1970. Tür der Toten. Sach- und Wortzeugnisse zu einer frühmittelalterlichen Gräbersitte in Schweden. Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 4:384–94.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Arrhenius, B. 1985. Merovingian Garnet Jewellery. Emergence and Social Implications. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International.Google Scholar
Artelius, T. & Lindqvist, M. 2007. Döda minnen. Stockholm: Department for Archaeological Investigations, Swedish National Heritage Board.Google Scholar
Arwidsson, G. 1962. Lovö-bor med kontinentala förbindelser på 400-talet. In: Hamberg, P.G., ed. Proxima Thule. Sverige och Europa under forntid och medeltid. Hyllningsskrift till HM Konungen. Stockholm: Svenska Arkeologiska Samfundet, pp. 113–22.Google Scholar
Arwill-Nordbladh, E. 2002. Rearranging History: The Contested Bones of the Oseberg Grave. In: Hamilakis, Y., Pluciennik, M. & Tarlow, S., eds. Thinking through the Body: Archaeologies of Corporeality. New York & London: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, pp. 201–16.Google Scholar
Aspeborg, H. 2007. Att bryta sig in i ett grav. In: Notelid, M., ed. Att nå den andra sidan. Om begravning och ritual i Uppland. Uppsala: Societas archaeologica Upsaliensis, Riksantikvarieämbetet, Upplandsmuseet, pp. 335–48.Google Scholar
Aspöck, E. 2003. Graböffnungen im Frühmittelalter und das Beispiel der langobardenzeitlichen Gräber von Brunn am Gebirge, Flur Wolfholz, Niederösterreich. Archaeologia Austriaca, 87:225–65.Google Scholar
Aspöck, E. 2011. Past ‘Disturbances’ of Graves as a Source: Taphonomy and Interpretation of Reopened Early Medieval Inhumation Graves at Brunn am Gebirge (Austria) and Winnall II (England). Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 30:299–324.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aspöck, E. 2015. Funerary and Post-depositional Body Treatments at the Middle Anglo-Saxon Cemetery Winnall II: Norm, Variety and Forms of Deviance. In: Devlin, Z.L. & Graham, E.-J., eds. ‘(Un)touched by Decay’: Anglo-Saxon Encounters with Dead Bodies. Oxford: Oxbow Books, pp. 86–108.Google Scholar
Barnes, M. 1994. The Runic Inscriptions of Maeshowe, Orkney. Uppsala: Institutionen för nordiska språk, Uppsala Universitet.Google Scholar
Bartelheim, M. & Heyd, V. 2001. Cult after Burial: Patterns of Post-funeral Treatment in the Bronze and Iron Ages of Central Europe. In: Biehl, P.F., Bertemes, F. & Meller, H., eds. The Archaeology of Cult and Religion. Budapest: Archaeolingua, pp. 261–76.Google Scholar
Bazelmans, J. 1999. By Weapons Made Worthy: Lords, Retainers, and their Relationship in Beowulf. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bill, J. & Daly, A. 2012. The Plundering of the Ship Graves from Oseberg and Gokstad: An Example of Power Politics? Antiquity, 86:808–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Blair, J. 2009. The Dangerous Dead in Early Medieval England. In: Baxter, S., Karkov, C.E., Nelson, J.L. & Pelteret, D., eds. Early Medieval Studies in Memory of Patrick Wormald. Aldershot: Ashgate, pp. 239–59.Google Scholar
Bonde, N. & Christensen, A.E. 1993. Dendrochronological Dating of the Viking Age Ship Burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and Tune, Norway. Antiquity, 67:575–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bonde, N. & Stylegar, F.-A. 2009. Fra Avaldsnes til Oseberg. Dendrokronologiske undersøkelser av skipsgravene fra Storbaug og Grønhaug pa Katmøy. Viking, 72:149–68.Google Scholar
Brendalsmo, J. & Røthe, G. 1992. Haugbrot eller de levendes forhold til de døde – en komparativ analyse. Meta, 1–2: 84–119.Google Scholar
Brøgger, A. 1945. Oseberggraven-Haugbrottet. Viking, 9:1–44.Google Scholar
Caciola, N. 1996. Wraiths, Revenants and Ritual in Medieval Culture. Past and Present, 152:3–45.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Caple, C. 2010. Ancestor Artefacts – Ancestor Materials. Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 29:305–18.Google Scholar
Christensen, A.E., Ingstad, A. & Myhre, B. eds. 1992. Oseberg-Dronningens Grav. Oslo: Schibsted.Google Scholar
Crumlin-Pedersen, O. 1995. Boat-burials at Slusegaard and the Interpretation of the Boat-grave Custom. In: Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & Thye, B., eds. The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia. Copenhagen: National Museum, pp. 86–99.Google Scholar
Ellis Davidson, H.R. 1994. The Sword in Anglo-Saxon England: Its Archaeology and Literature. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer.Google Scholar
Falk, H., Brøgger, A.W. & Shetelig, H. 1928. Osebergfundet. Bd 2. Oslo: Universitetets Oldsaksamling.Google Scholar
Fridriksson, A. 2013. La place du mort. Les tombes vikings dans le paysage culturel islandais. PhD dissertation, Université Paris IV-Sorbonne.Google Scholar
Gansum, T. & Risan, T. 1999. Oseberghaugen – en stratigrafisk historie. Vestfoldminne, 1998–1999: 60–72.Google Scholar
Friis-Jensen, K., ed. 2014. Saxo Grammaticus. Volume I. Gesta Danorum: The History of the Danes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Friis-Jensen, K., ed. 2015. Saxo Grammaticus. Volume II. Gesta Danorum: The History of the Danes. Oxford, Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Gardeła, L. 2013. Dead or Alive? ‘Chamber Graves’ and their Inhabitants in the Old Norse Literature and Viking-Age Archaeology. In: Moździoch, S., ed. Scandinavian Culture in Medieval Poland. Wrocław: Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology Polish Academy of Sciences, pp. 373–93.Google Scholar
Gardeła, L. & Kajkowski, K., eds. 2016. Limbs, Bones and Reopened Graves in Past Societies. Bytów: Muzeum Zachodniokaszubskie w Bytowie.Google Scholar
Geary, P. 1994. Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Gilchrist, R. 2013. The Materiality of Medieval Heirlooms: From Biographical to Sacred Objects. In: Hahn, H.P. & Weis, H., eds. Mobility, Meaning and Transformations of Things: Shifting Contexts of Material Culture through Time and Space. Oxford: Oxbow Books. pp. 170–82.Google Scholar
Gilchrist, R. & Sloane, B. 2005. Requiem. The Medieval Monastic Cemetery in Britain. London: Museum of London Archaeology Service.Google Scholar
Gjerpe, L.E., ed. 2005. Gravfeltet på Gulli. Oslo: Kulturhistorisk Museum Fornminneseksjonen.Google Scholar
Godelier, M. 1999. The Enigma of the Gift, trans. by Scott, N. Cambridge: Polity Press.Google Scholar
Härke, H. 2000. The Circulation of Weapons in Anglo-Saxon Society. In: Theuws, F. & Nelson, J.-L., eds. Rituals of Power: From Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. Leiden & Boston: Brill, pp. 377–99.Google Scholar
Härke, H. 2014. Grave Goods in Early Medieval Burials: Messages and Meanings. Mortality, 19:41–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
van Haperen, M. 2010. Rest in Pieces: An Interpretative Model of Early Medieval ‘Grave Robbery’. Medieval and Modern Matters, 1:1–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
van Haperen, M. 2013. The Distributed Dead: Personhood from the Perspective of Reopened Graves. In: Ludowici, B., ed. Individual and Individuality? Approaches towards an Archaeology of Personhood in the First Millennium AD. Hannover: Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum, pp. 89–93.Google Scholar
Herschend, F. 2003. Ship Grave Hall Passage – The Oseberg Monument as Compound Meaning. In: Barnes, G. & Ross, M., eds. Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society. Proceedings of the 11th International Saga Conference 2–7 July 2000. Sydney: University of Sydney, pp. 142–51.Google Scholar
Holck, P. 2006. The Oseberg Ship Burial, Norway: New Thoughts on the Skeletons from the Grave Mound. European Journal of Archaeology, 9:185–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holck, P. 2009. Skjelettene fra Gokstad- og Osebergskipet (Antropologiske skrifter, 8). Oslo: University of Oslo.Google Scholar
Holmgren, I. & Larsson, A.-C. 2002. Två vikingatida gravar. Wermdö Golf& Country Club. Värmdovik 2:1, Raä 128, Värmdö sn, Uppland, Arkeologikonsult Rapport 2002:1047. Upplands Väsby: Arkeologikonsult. [accessed 1 April 2016]. Available at: <http://www.norn.se/AKWeb.nsf/AKWeb.nsf/7464C955A708C9AFC1256FF20045EC0E/$file/2002.1047%20V%C3%A4rmd%C3%B6vik%20SU_screen.pdf=Google Scholar
Hoskins, J. 1998. Biographical Objects: How Things Tell the Stories of People's Lives. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Hreinsson, V., ed. 1997. The Complete Sagas of Icelanders, Including 49 Tales. Viking Age Classics. Reykjavík: Leifur Eiríksson Publishing.Google Scholar
Jennbert, K. 2006. The Heroized Dead: People, Animals and Materiality in Scandinavian Death Rituals, AD 200–1000. In: Andrén, A., Jennbert, K. & Raudvere, C., eds. Old Norse Religion in Long-term Perspectives. Origins, Changes, and Interactions. Lund: Nordic Academic Press, pp. 134–40.Google Scholar
Jones, A. 2003. Technologies of Remembrance. Memory, Materiality and Identity in Early Bronze Age Scotland. In: Williams, H., ed. Archaeologies of Remembrance: Death and Memory in Past Societies. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum, pp. 65–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kars, M. 2013. The Early-Medieval Burial Evidence and Concepts of Possession: Questioning Individual Identities. In: Ludowici, B., ed. Individual and Individuality? Approaches towards an Archaeology of Personhood in the First Millennium AD. Hannover: Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum, pp. 95–106.Google Scholar
Klevnäs, A.M. 2007. Robbing the Dead at Gamla Uppsala, Sweden. Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 22:24–42.Google Scholar
Klevnäs, A.M. 2013. Whodunnit? Grave Robbery in Anglo-Saxon England and the Merovingian Kingdoms (BAR International Series 2582). Oxford: Archaeopress.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klevnäs, A.M. 2015. Abandon Ship! Digging out the Dead from the Vendel Boat-Graves. Norwegian Archaeological Review, 48:1–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Klevnäs, A.M. 2016. Overkill: Reopening Graves to Maim the Dead in Anglo-Saxon England. In: Gardeła, L. & Kajkowski, K., eds. Limbs, Bones and Reopened Graves in Past Societies. Bytów: Muzeum Zachodniokaszubskie w Bytowie, pp. 177–213.Google Scholar
Krag, C. 1999. Rane Kongsfostre og Olav Geirstadalv. Om utviklingen av to sagas-kikkelser. Historisk Tidsskrift, 129:21–47.Google Scholar
Krogh, K. 1982. The Royal Viking-Age Monuments at Jelling [Jylland] in the Light of Recent Archaeological Excavations. A Preliminary Report. Acta Archaeologica, 53:183–216.Google Scholar
Krogh, K. 1993. Gåden om kong Groms grav. Herning: Carlsbergfondet og Nationalmuseet, Poul Kristensens forlag.Google Scholar
Kümmel, C. 2005. Ur- und frühgeschichtlicher Grabraub: Archäologische Interpretation und kulturanthropologische Erklärung. PhD dissertation, Universität Tübingen.Google Scholar
Laing, S. 1844. The Heimskringla: or, Chronicle of the Kings of Norway, trans. by Laing, S. London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.Google Scholar
Lund, J. 2013. Fragments of a Conversion: Handling Bodies and Objects in Pagan and Christian Scandinavia ad 800–1100. World Archaeology, 45:46–63.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mauss, M. 2001 (1925). The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange in Archaic Societies, trans. by Halls, W.D. 2nd ed. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Meyer, M. 2012. Placing and Tracing Absence: A Material Culture of the Immaterial. Journal of Material Culture, 17:103–10.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Müller-Wille, M. 1970. Bestattung im Boot: Studien zu einer nordeuropäischen Grabsitte. Offa, 25/26: 7–203.Google Scholar
Müller-Wille, M. 1995. Boat-Graves, Old and New Views. In: Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & Thye, B., eds. The Ship as Symbol in Prehistoric and Medieval Scandinavia. Copenhagen: National Museum, pp. 101–10.Google Scholar
Myhre, B. 1994. Haugbrott eller gravplyndring i tidlig kristningtid? In: Hansen, J.I. & Bjerva, K. G., eds. Fra hammer til kors. 1000 år med kristendom. Brytningstid i Viken. Oslo: Schibsteds, pp. 68–85.Google Scholar
Myhre, B. & Gansum, T. 2003. Skipshaugen 900 e.Kr. Borrefunnet 1852–2002. Midgard: Midgard historisk senter.Google Scholar
Myrberg Burström, N. 2015. Things of Quality: Possessions and Animated Objects in the Scandinavian Viking Age. In: Klevnäs, A.M. & Hedenstierna-Jonson, C., eds. Own and Be Owned: Archaeological Approaches to the Concept of Possession. Stockholm: Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies, Stockholm University.Google Scholar
Nicolaysen, N. 1882. Langskibet fra Gokstad ved Sandefjord. Kristiania: Alb. Cammermeyer.Google Scholar
Nordahl, E. 2001. Båtgravar i Gamla Uppsala: spår av en vikingatida högreståndsmiljö. Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University.Google Scholar
Norr, S. 2008. Old Gold: The Helmet in Hákonarmál as a Sign of its Time. In: Norr, S., ed. Valsgärde Studies: The Place and its People, Past and Present (Uppsala Occasional Papers in Archaeology, 42). Uppsala: Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, pp. 85–116.Google Scholar
Nylén, E. & Schönbäck, B. 1994. Tuna i Badelunda. Guld, kvinnor, båtar 1. Västerås: Kulturnämnden.Google Scholar
Pálsson, H. & Edwards, P. 1972. The Book of Settlements: Landnámabók, trans. by Pálsson, H. and Edwards, P. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press.Google Scholar
Pálsson, H. & Edwards, P. eds. 1976. Egil's Saga. London: Penguin Classics.Google Scholar
Petré, B. 2010. Arkeologiska undersökningar på Fornlämning RAÄ 34, Lunda/Berga, Lovö sn, Uppland. Gravfält från vikingatid, äldre järnålder och yngre bronsålder samt boplatslämningar från bronsålder. Stockholm: Department of Archaeology and Classical Studies, Stockholm University. [accessed 1 April 2016]. Available at: http://www.archaeology.su.se/polopoly_fs/1.35451.1320940154!/xRaa34LARS92010Petre.pdf Google Scholar
Price, N. 1996. The Lundbacken Cemetery and Roman Iron Age Mortuary Behaviour in Central Sweden. In: Artursson, M., ed. Lundbacken: ett gravfält från äldre romersk järnålder. Del 2: gravar söder om järnvägen. Upplands Väsby: Arkeologikonsult AB.Google Scholar
Price, N. 2010. Passing into Poetry: Viking-Age Mortuary Drama and the Origins of Norse Mythology. Medieval Archaeology, 54:123–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Røthe, G. 1997. Fra Olav Geierstadalv til Olav den hellige. In: Frost, T., ed. Gokstadhøvdingen og hans tid. Sandefjord: Sandefjordmuseene, pp. 25–42.Google Scholar
Rundkvist, M. and Williams, H. (2008). “A Viking Boat Grave with Amber Gaming Pieces Excavated at Skamby, Östergötland, Sweden.” Medieval Archaeology 52: 69–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seiler, A. 2001. I skuggan av båtgravarna. Landskap och samhälle i Vendels socken under yngre järnålder. PhD dissertation, Stockholm University.Google Scholar
Shetelig, H. 1917. Tuneskibet. Kristiania: Universitetets Oldsaksamling.Google Scholar
Shetelig, H., Falk, H. and Brøgger, A.W. 1917. Osebergfundet. Bd 1. Kristiania: Universitetets Oldsaksamling.Google Scholar
Sjöberg, A. 1975. Två gravfält i Danmarks socken. Uppland Årsboken, 1975:117–24.Google Scholar
Sørensen, A.C. 2001. Ladby: A Danish Ship-Grave from the Viking Age. Roskilde: Viking Ship Museum.Google Scholar
Staecker, J. 2005. The Concepts of imitatio and translatio: Perceptions of a Viking-Age Past. Norwegian Archaeological Review, 38:3–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stenholm, A.-M.H. 2012. Fornminnen. Det förflutnas roll i det förkristna och kristna Mälardalen. Lund: Nordic Academic Press.Google Scholar
Stolpe, H. & Arne, T. 1912. Graffältet vid Vendel. Stockholm: Kungl. vitterhets historie och antikvitets akademien.Google Scholar
Stout, G. 2002. Newgrange and the Bend of the Boyne. Cork: Cork University Press.Google Scholar
Tarlow, S. 1997. The Dread of Something after Death: Violation and Desecration on the Isle of Man in the Tenth Century. In: Carman, J., ed. Material Harm: Archaeological Studies of War and Violence. Glasgow: Cruithne Press, pp. 133–42.Google Scholar
Terry, P., ed. 1990. Poems of the Elder Edda. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.Google Scholar
Theuws, F. & Alkemade, M. 2000. A Kind of Mirror for Men: Sword Depositions in Late Antique Northern Gaul. In: Theuws, F. & Nelson, J.L., eds. Rituals of Power from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. Leiden: Brill, pp. 401–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Weiner, A. 1992. Inalienable Possessions. The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving. Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California Press.Google Scholar
Weiss, B. 1997. Forgetting your Dead: Alienable and Inalienable Objects in Northwest Tanzania. Anthropological Quarterly, 70:164–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wessman, A. 2010. Death, Destruction and Commemoration. Tracing Ritual Activities in Finnish Late Iron Age Cemetereries (AD 550–1150) (ISKOS, 18). Helsinki: The Finnish Antiquarian Society.Google Scholar
Wikborg, J., ed. 1996. Bastubacken: ett gravfält från äldre romersk järnålder Raä 73, Tortuna sn, Västmanland (Tryckta rapporter från Arkeologikonsult AB, 15. Slutundersökningsrapport). Upplands Väsby: Arkeologikonsult.Google Scholar
Williams, H. 2005. Keeping the Dead at Arm's Length: Memory, Weaponry and Early Medieval Mortuary Techniques. Journal of Social Archaeology, 5:253–75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Williams, H. 2014. Memory through Monuments: Movement and Temporality in Skamby's Boat Graves. In: Alexandersson, H., Andreeff, A. & Bünz, A., eds. Med hjärta och hjärna: En vänbok till professor Elisabeth Arwill-Nordbladh (GOTARC Series A, Gothenburg Archaeological Studies, 5). Gothenburg: Department of Historical Studies, University of Gothenburg, pp. 397–412.Google Scholar
Zintl, S. 2012. Frühmittelalterliche Grabräuber? Wiedergeöffnete Gräber der Merowingerzeit. PhD dissertation, University of Freiburg.Google Scholar