Published online by Cambridge University Press: 06 March 2019
Almost 60 years after the surviving Nazi-leaders were tried in the first ever international criminal tribunal for mass atrocities during World War II in Nuremberg, criminal responsibility for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes is perceived of as somewhat normal. Even if it is not yet an everyday event that human rights abusers are tried on an international level, the reality of the possibility of such a trial is present in the minds of the attentive public. This change was achieved over the last ten years. The establishing of the Yugoslavia-tribunal in 1993 was the turning point. Since then a number of both national and international trials held against human rights criminals has given the topic high priority. Finally the International Criminal Court (ICC) was founded and after a comparatively short time actually established and put in a position to operate. Sierra Leone relies on criminal prosecution in order to rebuild its society after a distracted and bloody civil war and a trial against Saddam Hussein seems a necessity. Many expectations are connected to criminal law and the working of the ICC. The dream of a world-wide justice, i.e. to attribute “just desert” to the offenders and to do justice to the victims, seems to have become reality. At the same time the establishing of an international criminal court is understood as a signal that will deter future offenders from committing human rights atrocities. The paper of Alexandra Kemmerer gives proof of how optimistically the EU promotes the idea of international criminal justice.
1 The ICTY was founded by the UN Security Resolution 827, 25 May 1993.Google Scholar
2 Cases before the ICTY, the ICTR on the international level and cases like Pinochet or Djajic and Jorgic at the national level.Google Scholar
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5 Cf. Zimmermann, Andreas/Kloth, Matthias, Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof sechs Jahre nach der Konferenz in Rom, in: Jahrbuch Menschenrechte 247 (2005).Google Scholar
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8 Kemmerer, See Alexandra, Like Ancient Beacons: The European Union and the ICC – Reflections on a Chapter of European Foreign Policy, 5 GLJ (2004) in this issue.Google Scholar
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11 Cf. Jeßberger, Florian, Pinochet in Nürnberg: Das Völkerstrafgesetzbuch und die Universalisierung der deutschen Strafrechtspflege, in: Jahrbuch Menschenrechte 124 at 125 (2005).Google Scholar
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18 Habermas, Jürgen, Kants Idee vom ewigen Frieden – aus dem historischen Abstand von zweihundert Jahren, in: Frieden durch Recht 7 at 20 (Matthias Lutz-Bachmann/James Bohmann eds 1996). A different approach is taken by Andreas Paulus, Die internationale Gemeinschaft (2001), who relies on a changing attitude amongst governments towards a more human being centred public international law, but does not attribute subjectivity to individuals. It is a mixed concept of an institutionalised international community, see Bruno Simma/Andreas Paulus, The “International Community”: Facing the Challenge of Globalization, in: 9 EJIL 266-277 (1998).Google Scholar
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22 See e.g. Felix Herzog, Gesellschaftliche Unsicherheiten und strafrechtliche Daseinsvorsorge. Studien zur Vorverlegung des Strafrechtsschutzes in den Gefährdungsbereich 54 (1990).Google Scholar
23 The danger of a more and more repressive system is elaborated on by several authors; most explicit in particular as regards the European criminal law endeavours the recent work of Peter-Alexis Albrecht, Die vergessene Freiheit (2003), English translation: The forgotten Freedom, September 11 as a challenge for European Legal Principles (2003); a decline in democratic legitimacy of penal law is also observed by Franz Streng, Probleme der Strafrechtsgeltung und –anwendung in einem Europa ohne Grenzen, in: Strafrecht und Kriminalität in Europa 142-164 (F. Zieschang/E. Hilgendorf/K, Laubenthal eds 2003).Google Scholar
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25 Germany has seen a soaring rise in the prosecution of top CEOs or politicians; one of the biggest was the criminal case brought against former executives of the telecommunications giant, Mannesmann, before the Landgericht (Regional Court) Düsseldorf, (published in 57 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 3275 (2004): see for a concise history of the case and its international relevance Peter Kolla, The Mannesmann Trial and the Role of the Courts, in: 5 German Law Journal No. 7 (1 July 2004), 829-847; see also Max Philipp Rolshoven, The Last Word? – The July 22, 2004 Acquittals in the Mannesmann Trial, 5 German Law Journal No. 8 (1 August 2004), 935–940 see furthermore, Joachim Jahn, ‘Lehren aus dem “Mannesmann-Fall“', in 37 Zeitschrift für Rechtspolitik 179 (2004), Financial Times, 15 January 2004, p. 11; see also Rönnau/Hohn, Die Festsetzung (zu) hoher Vorstandsvergütung durch den Aufsichtsrat – ein Fall für die Staatsanwaltschaft?, in 24 Neue Zeitschrift für Strafrecht 113 (2004); the US government found itself forced to react to growing misbehaviour of corporate executives by implementing the Sarbanes-Oxley Act; hereto, see Jennifer S. Recine, Examination of the white collar crime penalty enhancements in the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, in: 39 Am. Crim. Law Rev. 1535-1570 (2002); Roland Hefendehl, Enron, Worldcom und die Folgen: Das Wirtschaftsstrafrecht zwischen kriminalpolitischen Erwartungen und dogmatischen Erfordernissen, in: 59 Juristenzeitung 18 (2004).Google Scholar
26 The process at the ICJ initiated by the UN General Assembly as to the legality of nuclear weapons is another example of the attempt of the civil society to bring about their idea of peace and security; ICJ Advisory Opinion of 8 July 1996, Legality of the Treat or Use of Nuclear Weapons Reports 1996, see Christoph Safferling, Die Atomwaffe unter der Antarktis, in: 40 Neue Zeitschrift für Wehrrecht 177 (1998), with further references.Google Scholar
27 See, e.g. Kaldor, Global Civil Society: An Answer to War (2003).Google Scholar
28 The crime of aggression awaits a compromise in definition; according to Art. 5 § 2 of the Rome Statute jurisdiction over the crime of aggression by the ICC rests until such definition is found. As to the definition of the crime of aggression, see Richard L. Griffiths, International Law, the Crime of Aggression and the Ius Ad Bellum, in: 2 International Criminal Law Review 301–373 (2002) and Irina Kaye Müller-Schieke, Defining the Crime of Aggression Under the Statute of the International Criminal Court', 14 Leiden Journal of International Law 409–430 (2001); however, a definition of the crime of aggression should not be expected soon, see Andreas Zimmermann/Matthias Kloth, Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof sechs Jahre nach der Konferenz in Rom, in: Jahrbuch Menschenrechte 247 (2005).Google Scholar
29 See Antonio Cassese, International Criminal Law 120-131 (2003), who writes in favour of a common definition of terrorism as a criminal law and Bruce Broomhall, International Justice & the International Criminal Court 39-40 (2003), who is more critical in this regard.Google Scholar
30 Musacchio, See Vincenzo, Migration, Prostitution and Trafficking in Women: An Overview, in: 5 German Law Journal 1015 (2004).Google Scholar
31 Dinstein, Yoram, International Criminal Law, in: 20 Israel Law Review (1985), 206 counts as many as 22 crimes of international character.Google Scholar
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35 Cf. Article 32 § 2 Rome Statute; although the general rule is in accordance with the Anglo-American tradition ignorantia iuris not excusat, a mistake of law is notwithstanding accepted as an excuse, if it negates the mental element required by the prohibition. The English practice in this regard shows that a wide interpretation is possible; see e.g. House of Lords Brutus v. Cozens [1972] 2 All ER 1297, and R. v. Smith DR [1974] 1 All ER 632; Privy Council in the case Beckford v. R. [1987] 3 All ER 411; therefore I consider Kai Ambos, Der Allgemeine Teil des Völkerstrafrecht 817-819 (2002) to hold a too pessimistic view of the concept of mistake of law.Google Scholar
36 Cf. Bassiouni, Cherif M., in: International Criminal Law Vol. I 3, 271 (Cherif M. Bassiouni ed 1986); Hans Vest, Genozid durch organisatorische Machtapparate 60-64 (2002); Gerhard Werle, Völkerstrafrecht MN 195 (2003); see also as to national trials concerning crimes conducted on the territory of former Yugoslavia in Germany: Cristina Hoß/Russell Miller, German Federal Constitutional Court and Bosnian War Crimes, in: 44 GYIL 576 (2001).Google Scholar
37 Vest, see Hans, Genozid durch organisatorische Machtapparate 58-60 (2002). Some critics – US American writers in particular – deny universality, cf. Lee A. Casey, Assessments of the United States Position: The case against the International Criminal Court, in 25 Fordham Int'l L.J., 840 at 854-58 (2002);Google Scholar
38 Zimmermann, See Andreas/Kloth, Matthias, Der Internationale Strafgerichtshof sechs Jahre nach der Konferenz in Rom, in: Jahrbuch Menschenrechte 247, 251 (2005); e.g. Germany has adopted a Code of International Crimes, so called Völkerstrafgesetzbuch, 26 June 2002, BGBl 2002 I, 2254; see Andreas Zimmermann, Implementing the Statute of the ICC: The German Example, in: Man's Inhumanity to Man 977-994 (L.C. Vohrah et al eds 2003); Christoph Safferling, Germany's Adoption of an International Criminal Code, in: 1 The Annual of German&European Law [AGEL] 549 (2003); an English language version of this Code is reprinted in 1 AGEL 1061 (2003).Google Scholar
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40 The conditions of the complementarity principle are discussed in great detail by Jörg Meißner, Die Zusammenarbeit mit dem Internationalen Strafgerichtshof nach dem Römischen Statute 75-89 (2003), as well as by John T. Holmes, Complementarity: National Courts versus the ICC, in: The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Vol. I 667 at 674-678 (Antonio Cassese/Paola Gaeta/John R.W.D. Jones eds 2002).Google Scholar
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43 See Jesús-María Silva Sánchez, Die Expansion des Strafrechts 36 with fn. 117 (2003)Google Scholar
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45 Cornelius Prittwitz, Strafrecht und Risiko 107 et subs., 378 et subs. (1993). describes the growing tendency in society to view a catastrophe as a crime for which a responsible person can and must be found.Google Scholar
46 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, 11 December 1948, 78 UNTS (1951), pp. 277–323.Google Scholar
47 See Preamble of Convention IV Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land of 18 October 1907, reprinted in 2 AJIL (1908) Supplement pp. 90–117. The four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and the Protocols of 1977 built on these ideas.Google Scholar
48 This was made clear e.g. in the talks between the then Federal Chancellor of Germany Konrad Adenauer and the then President of the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany, Nahum Goldmann, see Peter Heuss, Ein Blick auf die Arbeit der Jewish Claims Conference, in NS-Forced Labor: Remembrance and Responsibility 293 (Peer Zumbansen ed 2002).Google Scholar
49 This may sound more obvious than it actually is. Sometimes, victims would rather want a decent excuse or would collectively reject money as a means to compensate; during the fight for compensation for forced labor against the German industry, the Jewish claimants were not always like-minded on this issue; see e.g. Ulrich Adamheit, “Jetzt wird die deutsche Wirtschaft von ihrer Geschichte eingeholt“ 373 (2004).Google Scholar
50 Not much research has been done in this field. What effect does mass victimisation have on the persecuted group? What are the long term effects on children suffering from persecution and war? Are the feeling of resentment also transferred to the next generation? See Uwe Ewald/Constanze v. Oppeln, War – Victimization – Security: The Case of the Former Yugoslavia, in: 10 European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 39 (2002); Christina Möller, Völkerstrafrecht und Internationaler Strafgerichtshof – kriminologische, straftheoretische und rechtspolitische Aspekte (2003); Christoph Safferling, Das Opfer völkerrechtlicher Verbrechen, in: 115 Zeitschrift für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft 352 (2003).Google Scholar
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76 Cf. Bothe, Michael, Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte und des humanitären Völkerrechts, in: Die Rechtsstellung des Menschen im Völkerrecht 115 at 128 (Thilo Marauhn ed 2003).Google Scholar
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