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A Vision of Mandulis Aion

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 October 2011

Arthur Darby Nock
Arthur Darby Nock
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Harvard University
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The Roman garrison town of Talmis, now called Kalabsha, lies in Nubia a little South of the Lesser Cataracts of the Nile and was the seat of a god called Merul or Melul, a name hellenized as Mandulis. He was worshipped elsewhere in this region, as for instance in a temple of his own at Ajuala and in the temple of Petêsi and Pihor at Dendûr, and again further North at Philae, where a figure of him was in A.D. 394 sculptured on the North wall of the ‘Hadrian passage,’ but he is at Dendûr described as ‘great god, lord of Talmis,’ and Talmis was certainly the center of his cult. The first religious edifice known there was built by Amenophis IV, but Professor Griffith informs me that there is no likelihood that Mandulis was worshipped in it, his name being unknown in Pharaonic Egypt and apparently non-Egyptian.

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Research Article
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Harvard Theological Review , Volume 27 , Issue 1 , January 1934 , pp. 53 - 104
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Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1934

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References

My thanks are due to Professors W. S. Ferguson and F. LI. Griffith for their kindness in reading a first draft of this paper and for various corrections, to Mr. C. F. Edson for much assistance in its completion, and to Professors Campbell Bonner, R. P. Casey, F. Cumont, W. F. Edgerton, F. N. Robinson, and W. Schubart, and Drs. H. Lewy and W. W. Tarn, for friendly help.

1 A. M. Blackman, The Temple of Dendûr, 80 f. My information on Philae is due to Professor Griffith.

2 H. Gauthier, Le temple de Kalabchah, I 218 ff.

3 Under him the temple of Petêsi and Pihor was built at Dendûr.

4 Gauthier, 69.

5 Griffith, F. LI., Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, XV, 1929, 74. He has now four graffiti from Talmis.Google Scholar

6 Sayce, A. H., Revue des études grecques, VII, 1894, 294.Google Scholar

7 For her association with the sun cf. P. Oxy. 1380. 187 ff. ἤλιον ἀπ᾽ ἀνατολῆς μἐχρι δύσεως σὺ ἑπιϕέρεις.

8 At Debod Mandulis was associated with Geb and Nut; Lanzone, Dizionario di mitologia egizia, 301.

9 Gauthier, p. 243 no. 8 ἡλθον καὶ προσεκύνησα; p. 268 no. 1 ἤλθον εἰς Τάλμιν χοιὰκκ´ καὶ προσεκύνησα; p. 239 no. 1 (the vision of Maximus discussed later) μακάριον ὄτ᾽ ἔβην ἠρεμίας τόπον ἐσαθρῆσαι; p. 278 no. 23 καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ παρὰ σοῖς προθύροις ἤλθον. Most of these texts are to be found in Fr. Preisigke, Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus Ägypten.

10 Gauthier, 268 f. no. 1; 193 f.

11 C. I. L. III 583; C. I. G. 1824–7; at Sunium (Snell, B., Ath. Mitt., LI, 1926, 159 ff., citing parallels from Attica and from Acrocorinthus); in the Petraean valley (M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, 139). Plutarch De curiositate, 11, p. 529 D, mentions the habit of writing on walls. ‘So and so remembered so and so with good intent.’ ‘So and so is the best of friends,’ and the like. Cf. Friedländer-Wissowa, Sittengeschichte Roms, 10th ed., I 443; and, on the general character of the graffiti at Thebes, J. Baillet, C. R. Ac. Inscr., 1920, 107 ff. and Inscriptions grecques et latines des tombeaux des Rois ou Syringes à Thèbes, fasc. IV [Mém. inst. fr. arch. Or. XLII].Google Scholar

12 J. Baillet, La régime pharaonique dans ses rapports avec l'évolution de la morale en Égypte, 368.

13 So in a letter of the time of Meneptah quoted by Černý, J., Bull. inst. fr. arch. Or., XXVII, 1927, 164 f. “Je dis à Amon, Mout, et Khons, à l'esprit dans le cèdre, amour de Thèbes, sur la route de la Cime, à Amenophis de la Cour, à Amenophis, favori de Hathor de Persea, à Amon d'Opet, aux huit babouins qui sont dans la cour de Hathor, résidant à Thèbes, à la Grande porte de Beki, à tous les dieux et déesses de la Ville, que tu sois sain, que tu vives, que je te voie sain et que je t'embrasse, pendant que tu es dans la faveur des dieux et des hommes. Que ta santé soit belle dans la maison d'Amonre, roi des dieux.” Other examples in A. Erman, Literatur der Ägypter, 252 ff.Google Scholar

14 Erman, , Sitzungsberichte, Berlin, 1911, 1086 ff.; G. Roeder, Urkunden zur Religion des alten Ägypten, 57 ff.Google Scholar

15 Quibell-Spiegelberg, The Ramesseum (Egyptian Research Account, 1896), 9.

16 Weill, R., Recueil des inscriptions égyptiennes du Sinai; V. Loret, Kemi, I, 1928, 99 ff.Google Scholar; Blackman, , Bull. inst. fr. arch. Or., XXX, 1930, 97 ffGoogle Scholar. The language of these texts is very constant in character, and clearly there was something of a convention, as in the records made at Kertassi of thanks after each successful transportation of stones. I follow L. Deubner's interpretation, Orientalistische Literaturzeitung, XVI, 1913, 501 ff. of the texts edited by F. Zucker, in Roeder, Dedod bis Bab Kalabsche [Temples immergés de la Nubie].

17 Die Felseninschriften von Hatnub nach den Aufnahmen Georg Möllers herausgegeben und bearbeitet von Rudolph Anthes (K. Sethe, Unt. z. Gesch. u. Altertumskunde Ägyptens, IX, 1928); similar records in J. Couyat-P. Montet, Hammâmât-Ouâdi (Mém. inst. fr. d'arch. orient., XXXIV, 1912) of people who came to get stones.

18 E.g. those at Medinet Habu, discussed by W. F. Edgerton, American Journal of Semitic Languages, Jan. 1934 (available to me in advance by the author's kindness). For Demotic graffiti in the crypt of the Osiris temple at Karnak, cf. Spiegelberg, W., Ann. serv. ant., III, 1902, 89 ff. (late Ptolemaic). Coptic Christianity continued the custom.Google Scholar

19 Cf. H. Brugsch, Thesaurus inscriptionum Aegyptiacarum, V, 1002 ff., 1014 ff.

20 Nielsen, Handbuch der altarabischen Altertumskunde, I 230; for graffiti on Sinai, dated 147–253 A.D., cf. B. Moritz, Abh. Göttingen, XVI ii, 1916.

21 K. Preisendanz, Pauly-Wissowa, IV A 2186 ff.

22 Mitteis-Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I ii 147 no. 116.

23 Blackman, Dendûr, 65.

24 So for instance at Philae; Deville, G., Arch. Miss. scient. 2nd Ser., II, 1865, 457 ff. Cf. Mitteis-Wilcken, I ii 147 f. no. 117 (second century, A.D.), and W. Crönert's discussion in Raccolta di scritti in onore di Giacomo Lumbroso, 481 ff.; J. Keil and A. Wilhelm, Monumenta Asiae minoris antiqua, III 42 f.Google Scholar

25 Gnomon of the Idios Logos, § 97 I. 216 (P. M. Meyer, Juristische Papyri, 339): for official interest in Talmis, cf. Mitteis-Wilcken, I ii 102 no. 73.

26 Re-edited by Manteuffel, G., Eos XXXI, 1928, 181 ff. and in his De opusculis graecis Aegypti e papyris ostracis lapidibusque collectis (Travaux de la Société des sciences et des lettres de Varsovie, XII, 1930), 198 f.Google Scholar

27 De defectu oraculorum, 21 p. 421 f.

28 Porphyry, De abstinentia, I 36 speaks of Pythagoreans and others ὦν οἱ μὲν τὰ ἐρημότατα χωρία κατῴκουν; Epist. Hippocrat. 12. 1 of Heraclitus as ἰδιάζοντος πάμπολλα ἐν ἄντροισι καὶ ἐρημίησι. Dio of Prusa devotes oration XX to an attack on the idea that retreat is necessary for serious study. Euseb. Hist, eccl., VI 9.6 implies that philosophic life and retirement went together: cf. Justin Martyr's story in his Dialogue of how he entered into solitude in the hope of seeing God. For ἠρεμία, cf. Chaeremon ap. Porphyry De abstinentia, IV 6 ἡρεμαίοις δὲ εἶναι, of Egyptian priests, and Athanasius, Vita Antonii, 49 (XXVI 913 C Migne) εἰ δὲ θέλεις ὄντως ἠρεμεῖν.

29 Eunapius, Vita Aedesii, p. 41 ed. Boissonade (1822).

30 The position of honor from a Greek's standpoint (Wönsch, R., Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, VII, 1904, 99).Google Scholar

31 H. Gauthier, Ann. serv. ant. Ég. X, 1910, 76 ff., 125 ff.

32 Ib. 83 Ἠρώδην παλίνορσον (?) σὴν ἐς πατρίδσ ἰκἐσθαι, where σὴν must be an error for ὲὴν.

33 Ib. 89 and Temple 278 no. 23; Buecheler Carm. Lat. epigr. 271.

34 Professor F. N. Robinson draws my attention to the parallel of Caedmon, in Bede's History, IV 23 f., to its repetition in connection with the Old Saxon Heliand; the story of Aeschylus in Pausanias, I 21. 2. Julian Ep. 89 p. 302 A (p. 142 Bidez-Cumont) says that most hymns were given by the gods in answer to prayer, and a few composed by men under divine inspiration: in Corpus Hermeticum, XIII 18, we have ὸ σὸς Λόγος δι᾽ ἐμοῦ ὑμνεῖ σε. For parallels in Christian monasticism cf. R. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum und Historia Lausiaca, 135 ff.

35 First copied by Lepsius, Denkmäler, Abt. VI Taf. 97, nos. 451 (1–14), 455 (15–21); 468 (6–13), then by Gauthier, who first recognized that the three texts of Lepsius belonged together (Ann., X, 1910, 87, and Temple, 241 IV). Since the time of Lepsius some letters which he read have become illegible. Puchstein's emendations are from his Epigrammata, 71 ff. Preisigke includes the text in Sammelbuch, no. 4127.

36 So Professor W. Schubart informs me.

37 The record of the miracle at Panamara in 41/0 B.C. has unequal lines—not as unequal as ours, but like them, so far as we can see, all ending at the end of a word (P. Roussel, Bull. corr. hell., LV, 1931, 82).

38 Very few graffiti in the Memnonion at Abydos are dated (Perdrizet-Lefebvre, Les graffites grecs du Memnonion, viii); few, again, in the royal graves at Thebes.

39 For hymns, cf. Terpander fr. 1, and the dedication of the paean of Aristonoos to Apollo (H. W. Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, 527); for a religious work cf. P. Oxy. 1381. 151 ff., 168 (in Manteuffel, Opusc., 89 f. This work, supposedly a hellenization of the book of Menecheres on Imuthes, was finished according to the god's favor and not with the writer's wisdom); for literary works in general, Crusius, ed. mai., (2nd ed.), of Herondas, vii f.

40 These were often dated in fact by being entered in the year books of the priests, as Professor Ferguson reminds me.

41 Dölger, Antike und Christentum, III 96; H. Leclercq, Dict. arch, chrét., III 3184 ff., s.v. Cuius nomen Deus scit. In modern Syria Mohammedans, after sacrificing at the shrines of saints, leave the imprint of their hands in blood on the door and its posts as a sort of visiting card (Fr. Schwally, Arch. f. Rel., VIII, 1905, 89), just as visitors to Medinet Habu and Philae sometimes scratched their names, but sometimes their feet instead, on wall or roof (W. F. Edgerton, Am. Journ. Sem. Lang., Jan. 1934).

42 R. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum, 9 points out that Historia Monachorum and Historia Lausiaca were both anonymous, and that theoretically the Metamorphoses of Apuleius was probably so likewise; the author's identity being indirectly revealed at the end.

43 A. M. Blackman, Journ. Egypt. Arch., XI, 1925, 249 ff.; XII, 176 ff., Hoffman-Gressmann, Zeit. altt. Wiss., XL, 1922, 110 ff.

44 Plut. De E apud Delphos 5, p. 386 B, C.; Mitteis-Wilcken, I i, 125; I ii, 149 f. nos. 121 f.; for the technique, cf. W. Schubart, Zeit. f. ägyptische Sprache, LXVII, 1931, 110 ff. In one of the texts at Talmis (Gauthier, Temple, 283 no. 35, N. section of E. portico) Mandulis is described as θεὸν Μανδοῦλιν Ἀπόλωνα νευήκοον χρησμοδότην. In the temple of Pnepheros and Petesuchos at Karanis oracular responses may have been given by the high priest from within the great altar [E. E. Peterson in A. E. R. Boak-Peterson, Karanis, 1924–31, 53 f.].

45 Roeder, Urkunden, 177 ff.

46 Roeder in Roscher, Lex., IV 1178.

47 H. Kees, Totenglaube und Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Ägypter, 324.

48 Cf. R. Bultmann in G. Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, I 120 ff., 688 ff.

49 Pausanias, II 26, 6.

50 Nock, Rev. et anc., XXX, 1928, 280 ff.

51 Lucian, Alexander, 43.

52 Sat., I 20. 16.

53 Heinze, R., Ovids elegische Erzählung (Ber. sächs. Akad. phil.-hist. Kl., LXXI, 1919; vii), 96 f. The call of Callimachus to poetry was probably not represented as given in a dream: E. Reitzenstein, Festschrift für R. Reitzenstein, 52 ff. On such epiphanies cf. Pfister, P. W. Suppl., IV 277 ff. According to a tradition in O. Kern, Orphicorum fragmenta 145, no. 62 Orpheus prayed to Phoebus Titan Apollo that he might learn the birth of the gods and the making of the universe and received repeated revelations.Google Scholar

54 Cf. G. Méautis, Recherches sur le Pythagorisme, 30 ff.

55 Cf. Eitrem, S., Symbolse Osloenses, VIII, 1929, 1 ff.Google Scholar

56 Ed. M.-A. Kugener, Patrologia Orientalis, II i p. 28.

57 Texts in Cat. codd. astr. gr., VIII 3, 132 ff., ed. P. Boudreaux, and VIII 4, 253 ff., ed. Cumont; discussed by Cumont, , Monuments Piot XXV, 1921/1922, 77 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. On μόνος πρὸς μόνον cf. Peterson, E., Philol., LXXXVIII, 1933, 30Google Scholar ff. The similarity to the religious quests described by Justin Martyr in his Dialogue, at the opening of the Clementine romances and (humorously) by Lucian in his Menippus has been noted; and cf. Nock, Conversion, 107 ff. It was a common idea that temples were sources of wisdom; cf. Rhetorius, in Cat. codd. astr. gr., VIII iv, 210, 30 ἢ ἐν ἱεροῖς ἀναστροϕὰς ποιουμένους προϕάσει μαντειῶν, ἐνθουσιασμῶν, ἢ μαθημάτων.

58 Cotelier, Ecclesiae graecae monumenta, I 582.

59 Nock, Journ. Egypt. Arch., XV, 1929, 230 ff.

60 Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen, 3rd ed., p. 317.

61 For the wearing off of holiness, cf. P. gr. mag., I 41 (after winning a paredros abstain from intercourse with a woman for seven days). For freedom from all vice (1.6), cf. Celsus, True Word, III 59 p. 20 Glöckner (in what he gives as a typical proclamation before a mystery) ὄστις ἁγνὸς ἀπὸ παντὸς μύσους, καὶ ὄτῳ ἡ ψυχὴ οὐδὲν σύνοιδε κακόν.

62 Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis, II 30.15 purus castus esto; V praef. 4 pura mente et ab omni terrena conuersatione seposita et cunctorum flagitiorum labe purgata. On fasting as a preliminary to vision cf. J. A. Montgomery, J. Bibl. Lit., LI, 1932, 183 ff.

63 Cf. Tertullian De anima 9, iam uero, prout scripturae leguntur aut psalmi canuntur aut allocutiones proferuntur aut petitiones delegantur, ita inde materiae uisionibus subministrantur.

64 Professor Griffith informs me that the original and essential purpose of templeorientation was that the dromos should go straight to the river landing place East or West, but that it could be also North or South or for the sun to strike inwards on rising over the hills.

65 Berreth, J., Studien zum Isisbuch in Apuleius, Metamorphosen (Diss. Tübingen, 1931) 16 ff. has shown the meaning of the story, as that of a revelation. The literary fiction is heightened by the fact that Isis is not previously mentioned in the story.Google Scholar

66 Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber, I 100 f. §§ 405 ff.

67 Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XL, 1918, 57 ff., 86 ff.; Rec. Trav., XXXIX, 1921, 44 ff.; Journ. Egypt. Arch., V 117 ff., 148 ff.; some criticism by Bonnet, H., AΓΓEAO∑, I, 1925, 103 ff.Google Scholar

68 Cf. a papyrus of the Persian period quoted by Ed. Meyer, S. B. preuss. Ak. 1928, 510 “Ich vergötte die ehrwürdige Seele des Osiris Unnofre des Seligen … Ich werde seine Seele und seine Glieder beleben durch Wasser der Verjüngungs das ihn verjüngt zu seiner Zeit ohne aufhören.”

69 So of those who hear the prophet Corp. Herm., I 29 ἐτράϕησαν ἐκ τοῦ ἀμβροσίουὔδατος.

70 Περὶ Λουτροῦ 3, p. 311 Goodspeed.

71 E.g. Roeder, Urkunden, 1; Scharff, A., Ägyptische Sonnenlieder. Ed. Meyer, , Sitzungsberichte, Berlin, 1928, 503 ff. discusses a solar creed from Karnak of the twenty-first dynasty, notable for its slight emphasis on mythological elements and for the absence of the usual identification of other gods. K. Sethe, Abh. Berlin, 1929, iv, 110 urges that this process of spiritualization goes back much further in Egyptian history.Google Scholar

72 Cf. F. Preisigke, Vom göttlichen Fluidum nach ägyptischer Anschauung, and Die Gotteskraft der frühchristlichen Zeit; also Roeder, Urkunden, 232 for the fragrance associated with the sun's rising; K. Sethe, Abh. Berlin, 1929, iv, 90 ff. on the concept of Amon as wind, breath of life, spirit.

73 Rufinus, Historia ecclesiastiaca, XI 23; cf. W. Weber, Drei Untersuchungen zur ägyptisch-griechischen Religion, 9.

74 In the Clarian oracle mentioned pp. 83, 99 the supreme Being is called Aion, and we have also ἀζηχεῖ δ᾽ ἐν μελεδηθμῷ αἰὼν αἰώνεσσ᾽ ἐπιμίγνυται ἐκ θεοῦ αὐτοῦ. In general, cf. Nock, , Journal of Biblical Literature, LII, 1933, 137. So amertatāt is used to describe (a) one of the Ahuras (b) the food of immortality enjoyed by the blessed (Chr. Bartholomae, Die Gatha's des Awesta, 121, 131: cf. ib. 68, where it is uncertain whether the meaning is ‘creator of Vohu Manah’ or ‘creator of good sense').Google Scholar

75 Such thinking was elaborated in India; cf. A. B. Keith, Religion and philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads, 24, 209, 437, 465 ff. Here, as in Greece, it was the result of deliberate thinking; was it so also in Persia? For India and Greece we have a sequence of material which is not available for Persia.

76 Cf. von Wesendonk, O. G., Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, 1931, 53 ff.Google Scholar; A. Christensen, Études sur le zoroastrianisme de la Perse antique (Det kgl. Selskab, Danske Videnskabernes. Historisk-filologisk Meddelelser, XV 2, 1928), 45 ff.Google Scholar, and Le monde oriental, XXV, 1931, 29 ff.Google Scholar; Cumont, Rev. d'hist. et de litt. rel., N. S., VIII, 1922, 9 ff.; Lommel, H., Deutsche Literaturzeitung, 1931, 963 ff.Google Scholar

77 Cumont, Textes et monuments, I, 19, 74 ff.; Fr. Saxl, Mithras, 71 f.

78 Cumont, ib. 76. (The passage describing which he quotes from Mythographus Vaticanus III appears under the rubric Saturnus. Probably an earlier Greek art-type was adapted for this deity, as for Mithras; possibly from Orphism.)

79 C. Müller, Fragmenta historicorum graecorum, III 572 f.

80 Dubitationes et solutiones 125 bis (I 322 Ruelle).

81 Dittenberger, Orientis graeci inscriptiones selectae, 383; L. Jalabert-R. Mouterde, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, 1. For the mausoleum, cf. A. B. Cook, Zeus, I 742 ff.

82 Vorträge der Bibliothek Warburg, 1921/2, 152.

83 H. Gressmann, Die hellenistische Gestirnreligion, 23.

84 Waldis, J., Sprache und Stil der grossen griechischen Inschrift vom Nemrud Dagh in Kommagene (Diss. Zürich, 1920).Google Scholar

85 Jalabert-Mouterde, nos. 51 f.

86 Cf. ib. 47, III 14; IV 10, (the Arsameia inscription recording an earlier foundation by Antiochus for the cult of his ancestors).

87 They can be used side by side without distinction, as in Anthologia Palatina, IX 51. αἰὼν πάντα ϕέρει δολιχὸς χρόνος οἶδεν ἀμεἰβειν κτλ.

88 Vorträge Warburg, 1924/5, 135 ff.; cf. E. Peterson, EI∑ θEO∑, 245 ff.

89 H. Jacobi, IIANTE∑ θEOI (Diss. Halle, 1930), 99. Note that the explanation preferred by Cassius Dio, LIII 27, 2, for the name Pantheon at Rome is that by reason of its shape it resembled the heavens.

90 Jalabert-Mouterde, 52; for the constitution of the text, cf. Wilhelm, A., Wiener Studien, XLVII, 1929, 127 ff.Google Scholar

91 Hönigmann, Pauly-Wissowa, Supp. IV 989.

92 Nock in Jackson-Lake, Beginnings of Christianity, V 177.

93 Lidzbarski, M., Ephemeris für semitische Epigraphik, I, 1900–1902, 66 ff. Other instances of such action on a lower social plane are Dittenberger, Sylloge, 3rd ed., 985 (the foundation of the shrine at Philadelphia in Lydia with its special list of deities and its moral requirements) and G. Mendel, Catalogue des sculptures [de Constantinople], III 54 ff. no. 847, a stele from near Dorylaeum dedicated by a man and his wife Ἑρμηδίων Ἑρμῆδος σὺν γυναικὶ Νάνᾳ πρωτοιερεῖς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τῶν ἰδίων Ὁσίῳ Δικέῳ εὐχήν (they are self-ordained priests of this cult).Google Scholar

94 Cumont, Textes et monuments, I 19.

95 Cf. Jalabert-Mouterde, 47, VI.

96 Again in the Orphic theogony of Hieronymus-Hellanicus the Zervan-like figure is called χρόνος ἀγήραος and Heracles (Kern, Orphica, 130 no. 54: A. Boulanger, Orphée, 55). Kern, 163 no. 95, has the line καὶ ϕύσεως κλυτὰ ἔργα μένει καἰ ἀπείριτος αἰών, where the sense is not clear; ib. 134 n. 56 (Phanes), τὸν ἄπειρον περιλάμπει αἰῶνα, with αἰών in a local sense, possibly just as the Pythagoreans gave a local meaning to χρόνος (cf. Diels, Vorsokratiker, I 355, 5 ff., but the phrasing may be due to our source, the author of the Clementine Homilies, or to some intermediary in the line of transmission).

97 Dittenberger, Sylloge, 1125; Weinreich, O., Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XIX, 1918, 174 ff.; M. Zepf, ib., XXV, 1927, 225 ff.; E. R. Dodds, Proclus, The Elements of Theology, 227 ff.Google Scholar

98 W. Kroll, De oraculis Chaldaicis, 27. Simplicius in Arist. Phys. p. 785. 9 Diels (Comm. in Arist., IX) καὶ δῆλον ὄτι οὖτος ἂν εἴη ὁ χρόνος ὀ ὠς θεὸς ὑπό τε Χαλδαίων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ἱερᾶς ὰγιστείας τιμηθείς. Here Χαλδαίων may refer to the Oracles, or to astrological writers; ἁγιστείας to Magians and in particular to Zervanite thinkers or possibly to Orphics.

99 Refutatio, V 8 45 p. 97. 19 Wendland.

100 K. Buresch, Klaros, 97 f.

101 P. Mich., 193, which I know by the courtesy of Professor Campbell Bonner.

102 P. mag. gr., IV 272 (Seth, VII 962); IV 968; IV 1552; VII 668. For Helios pantokrator, cf. the invocation cited from Macrobius, p. 77 above, for the epithet in general, Höfer in Roscher, Lex., III 1558 f.; Keyssner, K., Gottesvorstellung und Lebensauffassung im griechischen Hymnus (Würzburger Studien zur Altertumswissenschaft, II, 1932), 31, 45 f.; Cumont, Comptes rendus acad. inscr., 1931, 243 f.Google Scholar

103 Jacoby, A., Archiv, XXVIII, 1930, 275, 285, conjectures that ιαωμ on one is isopsephic for αἰών. Professor Bonner has kindly drawn my attention to ΑIΩN, probably for ΑIΩN, on an amethyst, B. M. 56427. The principal feature of the design is a Serapis head, with modius and rays on a jar (Canopic?). For the fluidity of αἰών in magical texts, note that in the text which Dieterich called Mithrasliturgie the subject says that he will (520) see τὸν ἀθἀνατον Αἰῶνα καὶ εσπότην τῶν πυρίνων διαδημάτων and invokes Aion (594), but neither of the two principal gods who appear after the preliminaries is so described.Google Scholar

104 Roeder, Urkunden, 65.

105 Cf. Ps. Arist. De mundo, p. 397a, 9, τῶν ἅστρων ἡλίου τε καὶ σελήνης κινουμένων ἐν ἀκριβεστάτοις μέτροις ἐξ αἰῶνος εἰς ἔτερον αἰῶνα. Lactantius Placidus ad Stat. Theb., IV 516, p. 228 Jahnke, tells of a view emanating from philosophers, Magi, and Persians, according to which there is a supreme god distinct from all the gods of mythology ‘de cuius genere sint soli Sol et Luna.’ Among the Trobriand islanders the cycle of the year is determined by the economic round of gardening, and the same word does duty for yam and for year (Br. Malinowski, J. R. anthrop. Inst., LVII, 1927, 210).

106 Cumont, Rev. d'hist. et de litt. rel., I, 1896, 435 ff.; Koehler, W., Personifikationen abstrakter Begriffe auf römischen Münzen, I (Diss. Königsberg, 1910), 23 ff.Google Scholar; P. L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur römischen Reichsprägung des zweiten Jahrhunderts, 1, 186 ff. The sun and moon have been connected with Horapollon's statement that one Egyptian hieroglyph for aion was sun and moon, which is true of late Egyptian writing (H. Schäfer ap. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes, 143), though the term so translated appears to mean ‘all the days,’ ‘always,’ and not an abstraction. I suspect that both spring from the same fact of nature, namely that time is made up of nights and days; cf. n. 105, and Anth. Lat. 389, 51, Sol saeclum mensisque, dies Sol, annus et hora. There is no suggestion that there was any Egyptian religious idea involved, still less any Egyptian religious idea which had any chance of being carried Westwards with those cult-elements which did migrate. As we shall see, the sun was regarded as typically eternal, and this accounts e.g. for the coupling of the legend AETERNITAS from the time of Gordian II on with a representation of the sun. Horapollon himself explains the hieroglyph, διὰ τὸ αἰώνια εἶναι στοιχεῖα.

107 L. Deubner, Röm. Mitt., XXVII, 1912, 16 ff.

108 C. I. L., XI 4170 (= Dess. 157).

109 Mattingly, B. M. C. R. Emp., II Ix.

110 C. I. L., VI 200.

111 Dessau 1170 (from Albania). Compare the publicist use of aion in the stele from Egypt published by O. Rubensohn, Arch. f. Pap., V, 1909, 168 no. 24 αἰὼν κηρύξει τὴν Φιλομήτορα καὶ Φιλάδελϕον the rhetorical use of μόνος, the only, and of εἶς θεός, ‘x is the one god’ (O. Weinreich, Menekrates Zeus and Salmoneus, 6 f.) and the remarks on the Pathosformel in my review of J. Kroll, Gott und Hölle (forthcoming in Am. Jour. Phil.); Vettius Valens, II 21, p. 86 1 Kroll αἰωνίου μνήμης ἔτυχεν; B. Laum, Stiftungen in der griechischen und römischen Antike, I, 46 ff.; P. Jouguet, Essays F. LI. Griffith, 243. Is it fanciful to ask whether the emphasis on the idea of eternity of Rome in the third century is in any sense a sort of whistling to keep one's courage up in face of external disaster and of the widespread belief that the world was aging? For the latter cf. Nock, Sallustius, lxxxvii, xxiv.

112 FHG., III 565. The god Saeculum frugiferum in Africa may be connected with a Phoenician deity (Cumont, Textes, I 78).

113 Cumont, Religions orientales, ed. 4, 269 n. 109 (cf. Textes, I 86, on sky-time in Persian texts). On El as ‘King, Father of Years’ in the Ras Shamra texts, cf. J. A. Montgomery, J. Amer. Or. Soc., LIII 102, 111.

114 N. McLean ap. A. B. Cook, Zeus, II 1037; cf. the magic nomen ευλαμω discussed by A. Jacoby, Archiv, XXVIII, 283 f.

115 Cf. Philodemus, On piety, p. 79. 1 ff. Gomperz; Artemidorus, II 37 p. 142. 13 Hercher (of Aphrodite) ϕύσις γὰρ καὶ μήτηρ τῶν ὄλων εἶναι νενόμισται; P. gr. mag., IV 2917 (addressed to Aphrodite) Φύσι παμμήτωρ.

116 IV 17 p. 78. 20; cf. Dieterich, Abraxas, 130.

117 Found in Egypt and on a Mithraic monument and ascribed also to the Phoenicians (Macrob. Sat., I 9. 12); cf. Cumont, Festschrift Benndorf, 291 ff.

118 Z. f. Kircheng., XLI, 1922, 175.

119 A. Dieterich, Nekyia, 159 n. 1; cf. G. W. Dyson in Speculum Religionis … to C. G. Montefiore, 32 ff.

120 Golega, J., Studien über die Evangeliendichtung des Nonnos von Panopolis (Breslauer Studien zur historischen Theologie, XV, 1930), 63 ff.; P. Friedländer, Johannes von Gaza und Paulus Silentiarius, 178. Another free personification in Eusebius, Triakonteterikos, p. 206. 15 ff. Heikel. (Note that in Nonnus, XII 23–5 Helios is clearly distinct from Aion.)Google Scholar

121 Lackeit, Pauly-Wissowa, Supp., III 67.

122 Lackeit, Aion, Zeit und Ewigkeit in Sprache und Religion der Griechen, I (Diss. Königsberg, 1916) 37 ff. Strack-Billerbeck, Komm. zum N. T., III 671 f. This pluralized abstraction can retain temporal sense e.g. Mart. Matt. 3 (Bonnet, Acta apostolorum apocrypha, II i, 220. 2), Ἰησοῦν τὸ παιδίον τὸν τῶν αἰώνων πρεσβύτερον ἀλλὰ τῶν αἰώνων τούτων πάντων πατὴρ ἐγώ εἰμι.

123 Two Roman epitaphs, Kaibel, Epigrammata graeca 642 (= I. G., XIV 1976) I. 15 καὶ τύμβῳ κατέθηκε καὶ αἰῶσιν παρέδωκε; 726. 3 αἰώνων ἔσπευσας ἀθρῆσαι θεῖα πρόσωπα, probably show the Christian or Gnostic concept.

124 The source of this section is unknown. R. A. Lipsius, Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanius, 233 urged that Epiphanius had indeed invented the name of the Alogi, to whom the section is devoted, but had good material for many of his statements. He had of course lived in Egypt.

For the mother as virgin, there are Semitic analogies (W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, 3rd ed., 56, and S. A. Cook's addenda, 520 f.; Weber, W., Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, XIX, 1919, 331 n. 1)Google Scholar; the Syrian goddess, like Anat in the Ras Shamra tablets (J. A. Montgomery, J. Amer. Or. Soc., LIII 107), is often called virgin though she has a lover. Was there here a myth of an annual recovery of virginity, like Hera's after a bath at Argos? Or was it assumed that the cycle started afresh each year after the death of Tammuz or Adonis—or before the birth of Aion—without the worshippers feeling the need of any logical bridging of the gap? In default of further evidence, I incline for the moment to the second view.

For the liturgical to-day, cf. in the Canon of the Mass on Maundy Thursday, ‘qui pridie quam pro nostra omniumque salute pateretur, hoc est hodie’ (present Roman rite); ‘q. p. q. p. n. et omnium s. p., hoc est hodierna die’ (Milan Sacramentary, A 24, H. Leclercq, Diet. arch. chrét. et lit., XI 1089), and for the antiquity of this phrase, Baumstark, A., Jahrb. f. Liturgiewissenschaft VII, 1927, 3Google Scholar. Augustine Epist. 98. 9 (in Migne's separate, 1841 edition, ii, 363) says ‘Nempe saepe ita loquimur ut Pascha propinquante dicamus crastinam uel perendinam Domini passionem, cum ille ante tam multos annos passus sit, nec omnino nisi semel illa passio facta sit. Nempe ipso die dominico dicimus, Hodie Dominus resurrexit; cum ex quo resurrexit tot anni transierint.’ For parallels cf. Casel, O., Jahrb. f. Liturgiewissenschaft, VI, 1926, 165 ff.Google Scholar

125 The line is faulty in the A text and it is likely that Αἰών stood in the original recension which it represents. So W. Kroll in his edition, I 33, p. 33. 15. Cf. Ausfeld ap. Reitzenstein, R., Nachrichten Göttingen, 1904, 317Google Scholar, (but Mr. J. Skinner informs me that the Armenian has in fact ‘forever’ not ‘eternity'). Thus Aion becomes a wealthgiving and protecting spirit; cf. Wünsch, R., Archiv, XII, 1909, 32 ffGoogle Scholar. an amulet with a figure like the Mithraic Kronos discussed p. 79 above with magic nomina—not the name Aion: S. Eitrem, on P. Oslo. I 216 p. 86 f. In any case we have nothere the equation of the Aion of cult with the Agathos Daimon of cult: the festival of the former was on 11 Tybi, that of the latter on 25 Tybi, and the cult image of Aion had none of the snaky concomitants which Agathos Daimon derived from his first form as Psoi. Agathos Daimon also had an extension of use which went far beyond its special local connotation in cult. On the whole complex in the magic papyri cf. Th. Hopfner, Archiv orientálni, III, 1931, 149 ff., 334 f. In P. gr. mag., III 144 ψοειω occurs in nomina addressed to Helios; κμηϕ precedes (142).

126 S.v. Ἐπιϕάνιος; I 2, 481 Bernhardy, II 391 f. Adler.

127 I 2, 871 ff. Bern., II 579 Adler. I follow the interpretation of R. Reitzenstein, Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium, 198 f. This passage may well come from the Life of Damascius (E. von Dobschütz, Christusbilder, 86*).—For the identification with Osiris, it is perhaps relevant that in P. gr. mag., IV 2093 ff. the holy god Osiris κμῆϕι σρω is mentioned as the power constraining a dead man's spirit to give a revelation, and the figure to be drawn on a membrane is of the type of the so-called Mithraic Kronos mentioned earlier, that on the papyrus sheet is Osiris in Egyptian garb; but the name Aion is not used, and the Alexandrine cult-type of Aion was different.

128 Cumont, C. R. Ac. Inscr., 1928, 274.

129 H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Ägypter, 2nd ed., pp. 132 ff.; cf. K. Sethe, Vom Zahlen u. Zahlwörtern bei den alten Ägyptern, 11 ff.

130 We know ancient statuettes with pseudo-hieroglyphic inscriptions.

131 Ap. Weinreich, Archiv, XIX 187. So in a relief at Doura (in a shrine founded A.D. 52) the god Aphlad wears a breastplate, having on its centerpiece the symbol of the sun and seven crosses representing stars and more such symbols on the shoulder straps and belt (M. Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities, 186, pl. XXXII, 1; for the staradorned garments of deities, cf. R. Eisler, Weltenmantel und Himmelszelt). The five crosses have been connected with the five vowels denoting parts of Alexandria; if that were the idea involved, we might expect to find the vowels themselves on the figure.

132 Archiv, XXII 199 f.

133 K. Sethe, Göttingen Nachrichten, 1920, 33 ff.; M. P. Nilsson, Archiv, XXX 141 ff., esp. 148 f., 156 ff.

134 There is evidence for a personified Time among the Arabs: R. Eisler, Archiv, XV, 1912, 630 citing J. Wellhausen, Reste Arabischen Heidentums, 66.

135 F. Bilabel, Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher, 1929, 37.

136 Cf. P. Oxy. 1449 [list of dedications at Oxyrhynchus, dated A.D. 213–7, showing that her shrine was there distinct from that of Demeter and mentioning among votive objects Ἰαχχάριον μεικ (ρόν), a small votive representation of a shrine of Iacchus]. For Kore, cf. also F. Preisigke, Wörterbuch, III 390 a. In P. Oxy. 1380, 72 (Manteuffel 75) Isis is said to be called Kore in the Metelite nome. B. A. Van Groningen, De papyro Oxyrhynchita 1380, 22 f., argues that the name denotes some local Egyptian deity; if so, the equation was complete. More puzzling still in the same document is 104 f. ἐν Μάγοις Κόρην Θαψ(.)υσιν; here, however, I infer that no comma is to be placed before K. and θ. In any case the text is not free from efforts of the imagination and from errors. A mummy label, (Preisigke, Sammelbuch griechischen Urkunden aus Ägypten, 5508), has the phrase ἐν τόπῳ Κόρης. I have no explanation for the origin of the term, though Demeter and Kore protected the dead: P. Roussel, Les cultes égyptiens à Délos, 199 f.

Presumably the Koreion was distinct from the Thesmophoreion mentioned by Polybius, XV 29. 8. (Does EAEϒ∑EIN, presumably for Ἐλευσίνιον, on an Alexandrian bone tessara found at Kertch and published by Rostovtzeff, M., Revue archéologique, V, 1905, 118, represent another temple?)Google Scholar

137 Dittenberger, Or. gr. inscr. sel., 90 note 107; W. Otto, Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Ägypten, I 95 n.

138 O. Kern, Pauly-Wissowa, IX 621; L. Deubner, Attische Feste, 73 f., 125 f. The relevance of the birth of Iacchus was noted by Lietzmann, H., Berliner philologische Wochenschrift, 1917, 1466.Google Scholar

139 Vita Pachomii (Migne, Patrologia Latina, LXXIII 249) ‘undecimo die mensis Tybi, id est octauo Id. Ianuarii quaedam apud Aegyptum celebratur ex more festiuitas,’ has been quoted, but the context indicates that it refers to a Christian and not a pagan celebration, and it must be the custom of drawing water on that day, mentioned by Epiphanius in another context (LI 30), as done throughout Egypt and elsewhere: it is not specifically Alexandrian custom, and Epiphanius does not mention it as pagan custom. Cf. on the Epiphany B. Botte, Les origines de la Noël et de l'Épiphanie (Textes et études liturgiques ed. B. Capelle, I, 1932).

140 IV 1 p. 64. 6.

141 Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte, II 150 f.

142 Das iranische Erlösungsmysterium, 212.

143 Lydus uses οί ἀρχαῖοι of ancient or supposedly ancient writers of the Pythagorean school, e.g. II 11 p. 32. 7 of the number six ὄθεν καὶ οἱ ἀρχαῖοι γάμον καὶ ἁρμονίαν αὐτὸν ἐκάλεσαν, with which compare the Pythagorean placitum in Stobaeus I proem 10 p. 22. 3 Wachsmuth τὴν δὲ ὲξάδα Γάμον καὶ Ἀϕροδίτην. I would refer to a similar source, III 12 p. 54. 17 ἡ νεομηνία κεϕαλὴ μηνὸς πρὸς τῶν ἀρχαίων προσαγορεύεται, comparing Diels, Vorsokratiker, II p. 178. 10 ff. for Orphic circumlocutions, and G. Meyer, Die stilistische Verwendung der Nominalkomposition (Philologus, Supp. XVI 3) 192 ff. πάλαι, παλαιός do not necessarily imply a great interval of time; so IV 102 p. 142. 16 παλαιός of a man of the second Punic war in relation to the time of Julius Caesar.

144 The date of Demophilos, Περὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἀρχαίοις θυσιῶν καὶ ἐορτῶν, while unknown, is certainly later (A. Tresp, Die Fragmente der griechischen Kultschriftsteller, in Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten, XV i, 11, 214): the content of Nicomachus Περὶ ὲορτῶν Αἰγυπτίων is unknown apart from the fragment in Athenae. XI 55 p. 478 A. Writings with the dates of festivals appear to have been local or national in scope. It is unlike the adducing of native rites to illustrate foreign rites, as in Plutarch Isis and Osiris, 69, p. 378.

145 C. Cichorius, Römische Studien, 234 makes an attractive conjecture that he died in 27/6 B.C.; but I do not wish to lean on this.

146 Fr. Börtzler, Philologus, LXXVII, 1921, 364 ff. may go too far in this direction, but there is no doubt that interpolation was liable to happen; cf. for one Harder, R., Gnomon, IV, 1928, 648. Cumont, Byz. Zeit., XXX 31 ff. has shown that light is thrown on the text by an examination of its use in the Hexaemeron of Anastasius Sinaita. Unfortunately there appears to be no trace of his having known this passage.Google Scholar

Börtzler has recently treated this chapter in his Janus und seine Deuter (Abhandl. u. Vortr. hrsgb. v. d. Bremer wiss. Ges. Heft 3/4; Jahrg. 4, Juni 1930, 103 ff.). He argues that there has been dislocation and ascribes the reference to the festival to Longinus. This would not be inconsistent with my view of the date of its origin, but I am inclined to think that the explanation given above of the sentence is more probable.

147 There is a quotation from this passage of the Panarion in the scholia of Cosmas of Jerusalem upon Gregory Nazianzen; Cumont, C. R. Ac. Inscr. 1911, 292 ff.

148 Described by the Arian historian printed by J. Bidez at the end of his edition of Philostorgius, p. 214.

149 R. C. Bosanquet, Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath., XII, 1905/6, 314 ff.; H. J. Rose, in Artemis Orthia ed. R. M. Dawkins (Journ. Hell. Stud., Supp. V), 405. At Athens a sacrifice to Asclepius was introduced in the Aianteia (L. Deubner, Attische Feste, 228).

150 Quaest. Gr. 38, discussed by Halliday ad loc. 164 ff.

151 Liv., XXXIX 13. 9.

152 J. Vogt, Die Alexandrinischen Münzen, I 115.

153 Clem. Al. Stromata I 21, p. 90 Stählin.

154 Ed. Wilamowitz, Griechische Verskunst, 596 f.; K. Horna, Die Hymnen des Mesomedes, Sitzungsberichte Wien, 207 i, 1928.

155 W. Otto, Priester u. Tempel im hellenistischen Ägypten, I 59: Claudius Julianus (not identified) was Idios Logos and probably in control, A.D. 135–40 (ib., I 174).

156 Cumont, Pauly-Wissowa, I 696 f. In deus aeternus, numen aeternum used without any specific divine name we may perhaps see some trace of a feeling for the effective vagueness of such descriptive circumlocution: for this in the magic papyri, cf. Bell-Nock-Thompson, Magical Texts from a bilingual papyrus in the British Museum (Proc. Brit. Acad. XVII), 34, 37. The epithet is in the nature of a Pathosformel. cf. n. III above.

157 Thus in the hymns to the Pharaonic diadem edited by A. Erman, Abh., Berlin, 1911, we read p. 28 ‘Herrin der Ewigkeit.'

158 So Corpus Hermeticum, XI 20, where the soul is exhorted to make itself equal to God to infinite magnitude, παντὸς σώματος ἐκπηδήσας καὶ πάντα χρόνον ὑμεράρας αἱὼν γενοῦ, καὶ νοήσεις τὸν θεόν. Reitzenstein, R., Gnomon, III, 1927, 282 and Zepf, Archiv, XXV, 1927, 243 write Αἰών and hold that the reference is to this concrete conception. But compare mystical parallels in W. Scott, Hermetica, II 329 ff.—Cf. an Arab saying quoted by Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum, 128, ‘wer darauf lauscht in Wahrheit, Wahrheit wird,’ and Evagrius Ep. 29, ed W. Frankenberg, Abh, Göttingen, XIII 2 p. 587 ἡ δὲ ἁγία τριὰς γνῶσις οὐσιώδης ἐστἰν ἀνεξιχνιάστός τε καὶ ἀκατάληπτος.Google Scholar

159 W. Peek, Der Isishymnos von Andros, 129.

160 K. Buresch, Klaros, 97 f.

161 We must here consider one supposed testimony to the worship of Aion; Philo. Quaest. in Gen., I 100, preserved in Armenian and commonly quoted from Aucher's Latin translation, includes the sentence ‘Secundo tempus (ut Cronus uel Chronus) ab hominum pessimis putatur deus, volentibus Ens essentiale abscondere.’ What Aucher gives in brackets consists, as Professor Casey informs me, of words which he thought it necessary or desirable to supply. The content in itself indicates that ‘tempus’ corresponds to καιρός, and Dr. H. Lewy has drawn my attention to the fact that the Greek original is extant in two independent excerpts, made by Joannes Damascenus and by Procopius of Gaza (J. Rendel Harris, Fragments of Philo Judaeus, 19; P. Wendland, Neu entdeckte Fragmente Philos, 50 f.). Both give καιρός. The allegorical deification of Kairos is well known, cf. A. B. Cook, Zeus, II 859 ff., and it may be that Philo speaks of this as a habit of the worst of men in view of its appropriateness to the character of opportunists.

162 Our text is not a hymn: it lacks the normal element of petition at the end. For hymn structure, cf. Keyssner, K., Gottesvorstellung und Lebensauffassung im griechischen Hymnus (Würzburger Studien zur Altertumswissenschaft, II, 1932)Google Scholar; Meyer, H., Hymnische Stilelemente in der frühgriechischen Dichtung (Würzburg, 1933).Google Scholar

163 Cumont, , Mémoires de la mission archéologique en Perse, XX, 1928, 89 ff.; dating ap. Nilsson, Archiv XXX, 164 n. 3. On θεέ, cf. Nock, Journ. Egypt. Arch. XV, 223; Bell-Nock-Thompson, 36; on Mαρâ, cf. Cumont, C. R. Ac.-Inscr., 1930.Google Scholar

164 M. Fränkel, Inschriften von Pergamon, II 245 f. n. 333; H. Hepding, Ath. Mitt., XXXII, 1907, 356 ff.

165 Edited by Bursian, , Abh. Munich, XVI, 1882.Google Scholar

166 P. 32.

167 P. 36.

168 Pp. 143 f.

169 P. 148.

170 P. 145. For the honor paid by a god to his home cf. Keyssner, op. cit., 60. 70. The Cyme version of the praises of Isis ends χαῖρε Αἴγυπτε θρἐψασά με (Peek 124); compare the numerous inscriptions on autonomous coins struck under the Empire glorifying cities.

171 Firmicus Maternus, Mathesis, III 5. 33 ‘facit uel cultores [deorum] diuinorum simulacrorum uel ornatores deorum uel fabricatores templorum aut hymnologos et qui laudes deorum cum iactantiae ostentatione decantent, ex quibus rebus gloriam et honores habebunt; Rhetorios in Cat. codd. astr. gr., VIII iv p. 165. 12 f.

172 Br. Kuster, De tribus carminibus papyri Parisinae magicae (Diss. Königsberg, 1911), 18 ff.

173 Cf. G. Meyer, Nominalkomposition, 64 ff.

174 This deserves further study; thus there is a marked resemblance between the structure of P. Oxy. 1381 and the hymn of Aristides to Zeus; cf. Nock, Journ. Egypt. Arch., XVIII, 1932, 81.

175 Carm. lat. epigr. 24. The tone of these expressions is quite different from acclamations of the εἶς θεός type: but Kaibel Epigrammata graeca 1139 (an amulet) approximates: εἶς Βαἷτ, εἶς Ἀθώρ, μία τῶν (μι᾽ ἀτῶν = αὐτῶν: Eitrem, S., Symbolae Ostoenses, X, 1932, 155)Google Scholar βία, εἶς δὲ Ἄκωρι χαῖρε πάτερ κόσμου, χαῖρε τρίμορϕε θεός; cf. on it Spiegelberg, W., Archiv, XXI, 1922, 225 ff. (dating it 1–2 cent. A.D.).Google Scholar

176 Cf. Reitzenstein, Historia Monachorum 135 ff. for the power to praise God regarded as a special gift of God.

177 Cotelier, I 421, 423. Cf. the beginning of the Thaleia of Arius as quoted by Athanasius, Contra gentes, I 5; τούτων (his predecessors) κατ᾽ ἴχνος ἠλθον ἐγὼ βαίνων ὁμοδόξως ὸ περικλυτός, ὁ πολλὰ παθὼν διὰ τὴν Θεοῦ δόξαν, ὑπό τε Θεοῦ μαθὼν σοϕίαν καὶ γνῶσιν ἐγὼ ἔγνων.