Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-fscjk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T03:22:58.433Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

I. Russia, Poland and the Baltic, 1697–1721

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 February 2009

L. R. Lewitter
L. R. Lewitter
Affiliation:
Christ's College, Cambridge
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In order to understand why Tsar Peter and King Augustus II of Poland fell into one another's arms when they met at Rawa in August 1698, and why they parted such bosom friends, we must first of all briefly consider the relations between Russia, Poland, Lithuania and Sweden in the last three or four decades of the seventeenth century. After the peace of Oliva with Poland in 1661 and that of Kardis with Russia in 1669, Sweden's possession of Livonia, Estonia, Ingria and Karelia debarred both the Polish Republic and the tsar from the Baltic, thereby furnishing them with a common grievance and object of envy. Sweden's granary and her bulwark against Russia and Poland, Livonia with the port of Riga— ‘the most valuable jewel of the crown of Sweden’ — was a particularly invidious token of predominance in the Baltic and one whose lustre still outshone the growing importance of Narva in Estonia.

Type
Articles
Information
The Historical Journal , Volume 11 , Issue 1 , March 1968 , pp. 3 - 34
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1968

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cf. ‘Peter the Great and the Polish Election of 1697’, Cambridge Historical Journal, XII, no. 2 (1956).Google Scholar

2 P.R.O., S.P. 91.107, G. Mackenzie's report on the state of the Swedish provinces conquered by the tsar.

3 See Soom, A., Die Politik Schwedens bezüglich des russischen Transithandels über die estnischen Städte in den Fahren 1636–1656 (Tartu, 1940),Google Scholar tables on pp. 260, 261 for the number of ships cleared by the customs at Narva. The number of outward-bound ships rose fairly steadily from 72 in 1662 to twice that number in 1694.

4 See ‘The Russo-Polish Treaty of 1686 and its Antecedents’, The Polish Review, xx, nos. 3 and 4 (New York 1964).

5 See Mityaev, K. G.,’ Oboroty i torgovye svyazi smolenskogo rynka v 70-kh godakh XVII veka’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, XII (1941), 54–83.Google Scholar According to E. Dunsdorfs, ‘Der Aussenhandel Rigas im 17-en Jahrdt.’, Conventus Primus Historicorum Balticorum Rigae. . .1937, Acta & relata (Riga, 1938), pp. 457–86, p. 464, in 1699 75 Pe r c e n t of the hemp and 74 per cent of the hempseed brought to Riga for export came from White Russia, the remainder being supplied by Livonia, Courland and Lettgallia.Google Scholar

6 See Soom, op. cit. pp. 162–4, 258–9. In 1643 the duty levied at the frontier on Russian goods brought to Narva was abolished, in 1646 the export duty on such goods was reduced 2 per cent. According to Piirimäe, H. A., ‘Tendentsiya razvitiya i ob'ëm torgovli pribaltüskikh gorodov v period shvedskogo gospodstva v XVII v.’, Skandinavskii Sbornik, VIII (Tallinn, 1964), 99–113, pp. 106, 109,Google Scholar in 1689 the revenue from the principal duties on imports and exports, the licent and the portorium, levied at Narva amounted to 9,855 and 6,882 rix-dollars respectively. But Riga still brought in about eight times as much from the same sources in that year, 92,812 and 36,037 rix-dollars. For details of customs duties see Soom, op. cit. pp. 117, 123, 126, 16–4. and Der BaltischeGetreidehandelim 17. Fahrhundert (Stokholm, 1961), pp. 73–6;Google Scholar also Jensch, G. (Ensh), Der Handel Rigas im 17. Fahrhundert (Riga, 1930), pp. 112–17, 120–9.Google Scholar

7 But nearly half this income was spent in these provinces: Heckscher, E. F., Sveriges ekonomiska historia, 1, part 2 (Stockholm, 1936), 424,Google Scholar superseding the corresponding figure in Axelson, G. E., Bidrag till kännedomen om Sveriges tilstånd på Karl XII's tid (Visby, 1888), p. 113.Google Scholar

8 Bantysh-Kamensky, N. N., Obzor vneshnikh snoshenii Rossii (po 1800 g.), part IV (Moscow 1902), p. 195;Google ScholarForsten, G. V., ‘Snosheniya Shvetsii i Rossii vo vtoroy polovine XVII v., IV (1648–1700)’, Zhurnal Min. Nar. Prosv. part 323 (June 1899), pp. 277–339, pp. 316, 321;Google ScholarZernack, K., Studien zu den schwedisch-russischen Beziehungen in der 2. Hälfte des 17. Fahrhunderts, Teil I. . .1675 bis 1689 (Giessen, 1958), pp, 57–72.Google Scholar

9 Zernack, op. cit. pp. 90, 91, 96.

10 See Birnbaum, K. E., ‘Johan Sobieskis svenska förbindelser 1674–1677’, Karolinska Forbundets Årsbok (1950), pp. 7–72;Google Scholar ‘J. Sobieski och Sverige. Förbundet av år 1677 och dess upplösning’, ibid. (1951), pp. 75–155.

11 Piwarski, K., ‘Lithuanian participation in Poland's Baltic Policies 1650–1700’, Baltic and Scandinavian Countries, in (1937) 219–26;Google Scholar the same, ‘Polityka bahycka Jana III w latach 1675–1679’, Ksiega pamiqtkowa ku czci…W. Sobieskiego, I (Cracow, 1932), 197–265.Google Scholar

18 Zernack, op. cit. p. 94.

13 Theiner, A. (ed.), Monuments historiques relatifs au règnes d'Alexis Michaelowitch, Féodor III et Pierre le Grand. . .extraits des Archives du Vatican et de Naples (Rome, 1859), no. cvi, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

14 Zernack, op. cit., pp. 127–33.

15 Foltz, M., Geschichte des Danziger Stadthaushalts (Danzig, 1912), pp. 85, 86, 135, 470, 527;Google ScholarRybarski, cf. R., Skarb i pieniadz za Michala Korybuta i Fana III (Warsaw, 1939), pp. 520, 521;Google ScholarKutrzeba, S., Gdańsk. Przeszlość i terazniejszość (Lvov, 1928), p. 113.Google Scholar

18 Zahiski, A. C., Epistolarum Historico-Familiarum, 1, part 2 (Brunsbergae, 1710), 1314.Google Scholar

17 Quoted in Hedemann, O., Dzisna i Druja, magdeburskie miasta (Vilno, 1934), p. 159.Google Scholar

18 See Wittram, R., ‘Patkul und der Ausbruch des Nordischen Krieges’, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, I, Philolog.—Hist. Klasse (1952), no. 9, 201–5;Google ScholarHallendorff, C., Bidrag till det stora nordiska krigets förhistoria (Upsala, 1897), pp. 158–9, appendix III A (the Livonian gentry's instructions for Patkul), pp. 159–67, appendix IIIB (the agreement concluded by Patkul with Augustus II).Google Scholar

19 Piwarski, ‘Lithuanian participation.. . ‘ , p. 222; Treumuth, N. & Liiv, O., Polonica im Esthniscken Staatlichen Zentralarchiv (Tartu, 1931), pp. 78, 79, 80, 81, 84;Google Scholar Soom, Der Baltische Getreidehandel..., 55–7 61, 65, 66, 68; von Ziegenhorn, Ch. G.Staatsrecht der Herzogtumer Curland und Semgallen (Königsberg, 1772),Google Scholar Appendix, pp. 279–80 no. 232, convention between duke Frederick [of Courland] and the duchy of Samogitia.. ., 1694, pp- 280–1; no. 233, the same with the district of Upita, 1695. The Lithuanian gentry continued to complain of their treatment by Riga to the very end of Swedish rule (Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo (1964), xi, part 2, 272–3, the representations made by Jan Plater, the Lithuanian resident with the tsar.

20 In 1685 John III Sobieski granted the firm of Hurst and Archer permission to establish a trading company at Polangen (Polaga, Patanga), at the mouth of the Heiligen Aa (Swieta, hence ‘Sventa’) (P.R.O., F.O. 62.2, fos. 485–6, ‘A brief account of the port Sventa alias Heiligen Aa or Jan-Marienburg’)- MrEhrman, John, to whose book The British Government and Commercial Negotiations with Europe 1783–93 (Cambridge, 1962) p. 112, I owe this reference, understandably mistakes Sventa for Ventspils (Windau).Google Scholar

21 Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1860), v, part 12, 399. The town and port were granted exemption from all taxes and dues for forty years.

22 du Mont, J., Corps Universel Diplomatique (Amsterdam 1728), VI parts 2 and 3, 303. For the tolls levied on the Bolderaa see Jensch, op. cit. p. 117.Google Scholar

23 Fustae Vindiciae et Summa Armorum Iustitia ex Parte Sacrae Regiae Maestatis Poloniarum . . .contra Serenissimum Regem et Coronam Sveciae (1700). Original copy in Cambridge University Library, reprinted in Livonica. Oder einiger zu mehrer Erlduterung der mit Anfang des 1700 Fahrs in Lieffland entstandenen Unruhe dienlicher Stückeund ActorumPublicorum Fasciculus Secundus (n.p., n.d.), pp. 24–62.

24 von Stiernman, A. A. (ed.), Samling. . . ang˚ende Sveriges Rikes Commerce, Politie och Oeconomie (Stockholm, 1766), v, 308–17,Google Scholar Charles XI's instructions to the government departments concerned of 23 March 1692 o.s.

25 Wegener, C. F. (ed.), Aarsberetninger fra det Kongelige Geheimsarchiv, indeholdende bidrag till Dansk Historie... (Copenhagen, 1876–1882), VI, 127, 177. The envoy was Hildebrand Horn.Google Scholar

26 Kemble, J. M. (ed.), State Papers and Correspondence Illustrative of the Social and Political State of Europe from the Revolution to the Accession of the House of Hanover (London, 1857), pp. 90, 95–6, 99–103, news from Stockholm.Google Scholar

27 Stiernman, op. cit. 636–7, Charles XII's instructions of 9 February 1697, o.s.

28 E.g. privilege for A. Lyders and F. Wesling for attracting the Archangel trade to Riga, 1676, Stiernman, op. cit. (1760), IV, 158–61; Novosel'sky, A. A. and Ustyugov, N. V., eds., Ocherki Istorii SSSR, XVII v. (Moscow, 1955), p. 132.Google Scholar

29 Golikov, I., Istoricheskoe izobrazhenie zhizni i vsekh del slavnogo zhenevtsa, Frantsa Yakovlevicha Leforta.. .i.. .Patrika Gordona... (Moscow, 1800), p. 81.Google Scholar

30 Early in 1698 the Venetian ambassador in Vienna reported that Sheremetev had spoken of his sovereign's intention to build a canal that would join the Don to the Volga and, having done so, to persuade the English and the Dutch merchants to direct to Archangel the goods that they sent to Smyrna and to the Turkish ports. Shmurlo, E. F. (ed.), Sbornik dokumentov otnosyashchikhsya k istorii tsarstvovaniya imperatora Petra Velikogo, I, 1693–1700, Uchenye Zapiski Jmperatorskogo lur'evskogo Universiteta (1898), no. 5, pp. 1–192; (1899), no. 5, pp. 193–224; (1900), no. 4, pp. 225–560; (1902), no. 1, pp. 561–656; (1903), no. 5, pp. i–xlv, 705–28; p. 340.Google Scholar Cf. An Account of Livonia . . . [by C. J. von Blomberg] (London, 1701), p. 307 (? the pagination is defective): ‘The Czar... will always earnestly endeavour to gain a town on the Baltic... not only for the exportation of Russian commodities but also those of China and Persia. He may convey them by land, with the help of the great rivers and lakes from China and by the Caspian from Persia.’ In 1716, it was reported from St Petersburg that the tsar wanted the principal trade route between Europe and Asia to run through his capital (P.R.O., S.P. 143.1, fos. 58–61, 10 August, O.S.); in 1722 the writer of a newsletter from Danzig supposed that ‘Dutch and English trade with the East would suffer if the tsar succeeded in making himself master of the Caspian and establishing trade relations with China, the Grand Mogul and Persia’ (Danzig, 16 May 1722, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Nunziatura di Polonia, 151, fo. 136).

31 Heyd, W., Le colonie commerciali degli Italiani in Oriente nel medio evo (Italian translation by Müller, G., Venice, 1868), 11, 48–58.Google Scholar

32 Shmurlo, op. cit. pp. 608–9, news from Constantinople, 12 October 1699: ‘the tsar wants to develop trade through Azov', Cf. Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1826, ukase of 17 January 1701: a fair to be held at Azov on the day of St Peter; Greeks from Constantinople and inhabitants of Little Russia to be encouraged to trade there.

33 See Nystrom, P., ‘Mercatura Ruthenica’, Scandia, x (1937), 257–96Google Scholar and cf. Ekegard, E., Studier i Svensk Handelspolitik under den tidigare Frihetstiden (Upsala, 1924), pp. 89, 90;Google Scholarcf. entry under ‘Ludvig Fabritius, 1648–1729’, in Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, XIV (Stockholm, 1943);Google ScholarZevakin, E. S., ‘Persidskii vopros v russko-evropeïskikh otnosheniyakh XVII v.’, Istoricheskie Zapiski, VIII (1940), 129–62Google Scholar and Kellenbenz, H., ‘Der russische Transithandel mit dem Orient im 17. und zu Beginn des 18. Jahrhdts.’, Fahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, XII (1964), 481–98.Google Scholar The proposal for transporting goods from India to Riga was first put forward in 1520 by Paolo Centurione. See Paolo Iovio Historico, ‘Delle Cose della Moscovia’ in Ramusio, G. B., Navigationi et Viaggi (Venice, 1533), II, 131–7Google Scholar and cf. Modigliani, Maria, ‘Note intorno al viaggiatore Paolo Centurione’, Bollettino della R. Societa Geografica Italiana, LXIX (1932), 350–63.Google Scholar

34 See Stiernman , op . cit. v , 137–9, 285–6, 408–9, 671–3; Kalisch, J., ‘Plänezur Belebung des Orienthandels über Kurland und Polen am Ausgang des 17. Jahrhdts.’, Hansische Studien (= vol. VII of Forschungen zur Mittelalterlichen Geschichte) (Berlin, 1961), 190–200;Google ScholarMattiesen, O. H., Die Kolonial- und Überseepolitik der kurländischen Herzöge im 17. und 18. Fahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1940), pp. 934–49.Google Scholar

36 Mattiesen, op. cit. p. 941.

36 Åström, S. E., From Stockholm to St Petersburg. Commercial factors in the political relations between England and Sweden, l675–1700 (Helsinki, 1962), pp. 75–6;Google Scholar the same, From Cloth to Iron. The Anglo-Baltic trade in the late seventeenth century (Helsinki, 1963), part I, p. 128Google Scholar (I am greatly indebted to Professor Åström's extensive bibliographies); Piirimäe, H. A., ‘Sostav, ob'ëm i raspredelenie russkogo vyvoza v 1661–1700 gg. cherez shvedskie vladeniya v Pribaltike na primere torgovli g. Narvy’, Skandinavskii Sbornik, v (1962), 34–94, 46–7.Google Scholar

37 Shafirov, P. P., Rassuzhdenie kakie zakonnye prichiny Ego Velichestvo Petr Velikii...k nachatiyu voyny protiv Korolya Karola XII...imel (St Petersburg, 1722), pp. 16–84;Google Scholarcf. Dahlberg, E. J., governor of Livonia, to Charles XII, 8 March 1700, o.s., printed in G. A. Nordberg, Histoire de Charles XII (The Hague, 1743), in, 35–9Google Scholar

38 Olmer, E., ‘Om ryssfruktan i Sverige för 200 år sedan’, Historisk Tidskrift (Stockholm), XXIII (1903), 295–317, p. 299.Google Scholar

39 See Mattiesen, op. cit., and Eckert, W., Kurland unter dem Einfluss des Merkantilismus. Ein Beitrag zur Staats- und Wirtschaftspolitik Herzog Jakobs von Kurland (1642–1682) (Riga, 1927);Google Scholar Blomberg, op. cit. p. 281. In 1699 Blomberg, who had by then arrived in London, acting on behalf of the duke appointed an Englishman governor and commander-in-chief of Tobago. (Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Feb. 1708/9 to March 1714/5 (London, 1925), p. 155.)

40 D'Avaux to Louis XIV, Stockholm, 9 July 1698, N.S., printed in Wijnne, J. A., ed., Nigociations de Monsieur le Comte d'Avaux. . .1693, l697, 1698, Werken van det Historisch Genootschap, n.s., nos. 33–6, in, part 1, (1883), 338.Google Scholar

41 See Willan, T. S., The Early History of the Russia Company (Manchester), pp. 76–7.Google ScholarCf. Reasons for Enlarging and Regulating the Trade to Russia and the Narve [London, 1698?].Google Scholar

42 P.R.O., CO. 388.7, fo. 20, The Case of the Contractors with the Czar of Muscovy for the Importation of Tobacco into his Territories; fos. 77–78V, Memorandum from the Contractors with the Tsar of Muscovy for the importation of tobacco into his dominions, received 4 Jan. 1698/9, o.s.; Reasons humbly offered for passing the Bill for enlarging the Trade to Russia [London, 1698?];Google ScholarHouse of Lords Manuscripts (London, 1905), III, n.s., ... 1697–1699, pp. 217–23. 293–6.Google Scholar

43 Stow, John, A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, corrected, etc. by Strype, J. (London, 1720), II, 264.Google Scholar The speaker was Nathaniel Tenche. Cf. Bogoslovsky, M. M., Petr I (Leningrad, 1941), II, parts 1 and 2, 286–90, 336–48, 373–80.Google Scholar

44 Reasons Humbly offered for passing the Bill for enlarging the trade to Russia [London, 1698?];Google ScholarHouse of Lords MSS, loc. cit. 294–5; Statutes of the Realm, 10 William III, c. 6; Åström, From Stockholm..., pp. 90, 95; From Cloth to Iron..., pp. 185, 193, 194.

46 Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend (as they now do) on Sweden only, for the Supply of the Naval Stores... [London, 1698?];Google Scholar Stiernman, op. cit. v (1766), Charles XII's instructions of 26 March 1699, o.s., cf. P.R.O., CO. 388.7., f.77

46 Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1860), VI, 21, 22.Google Scholar

47 Haake, P., August der Starke (Berlin-Leipzig, 1927), pp. 169–70.Google Scholar

48 Ziekursch, J., ‘Die polnische Politik der Wettiner im 18. Jahrhdt.’, Neues Archiv für Sächsische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, XXVI (1905), 107–21;Google ScholarSchmidt, O. E., ‘Zur Charakteristik August des Starken’,Google Scholaribid. 121–7.

49 See Kalisch, J., ‘Sachsisch-polnische Pläne zur Gründung einer See- und Handelskompanie am Ausgang des 17. Jahrhdt.’, in Kalisch, J. und Gierowski, J. (eds.), Um die polnische Krone, Sachsen und Polen. . .1700–1721, pp. 45–69,Google Scholar cf. Kalisch, J., ‘Plane zur Belebung des Orienthandels...’, as above.Google Scholar

50 Kellenbenz, H., Sephardim an der unteren Elbe (Wiesbaden, 1962) (= Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Beiheft nr. 40), p. 401.Google Scholar

51 Piwarski, K., ‘Jan III Sobieski wobec spraw baltyckich w latach 1693–94’, Rocznik Gdański, VII and VIII for 1933 and 1934, 183–207, p. 198.Google Scholar

52 Kalisch, ‘Pläne zur Belebung...’ , passim, and ‘Sächsisch-polnische Pläne...’ , p. 62. Cf. B.M., Harley MS. 7013, fo. 150, passport and exemption from customs duty issued to Zagly by Radziejowski on 5 February 1697 and fo. 148, a safe conduct made out by Stefan Potocki, starosta of Trembowla, in Lvov, on 28 February 1700 in the name of two Armenians, Yusuf and Serkies, bound for England with a camel.

53 See Piwarski, K., ‘Opozycja litewska pod koniec XVII wieku’, Pamietnik V Powsz. Zjazdu Historykótv Polskich w Warszawie. (Lvov, 1930), 1, 259–77.Google Scholar

54 Hallendorff, C., ed., Handlingar angdende konung August den starkes utrikespolitik före herns avsättning år 1704 (Stockholm, 1908), pp. 35–7.Google Scholar

55 B.M. Add. MS. 28899, fo. 272, Rev. J. Robinson to J. Ellis, under-secretary of state, Stockholm, 23 June 1697, o.s.

56 P. Heins to Christian V, Moscow, 16 December 1698 (o.S. ?), printed in Hallendorff, C., Bidrag till det stora nordiska krigets förhistoria (Upsala, 1897), pp. 154–5.Google Scholar The preamble of the treaty of alliance concluded on 21 November 1699 at Preobrazhenskoe between Russia and Saxony refers to the decision to attack Sweden taken at a most confidential meeting of the two monarchs—obviously at Rawa—in retaliation for past wrongs, Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo (1887), I, 304–10.Google ScholarBogoslovsky, M. M., op. cit. p. 565,Google Scholar suspects that the Saxons were concerned to pin the initiative on the tsar; Korolyuk, V. D., Polska i Rosja a wojna póhnocna (Warsaw, 1954) (a translation of articles originally published in Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya and in Voprosy Istorii), p. 97, attributes the initiative wholly to Peter and distorts Bogoslovsky's interpretation.Google Scholar

57 Fr. C. M. Vota, S.J. to card. F. Spada, from ‘Rava a 7 leghe do Leopoli’ [in fact 30 miles north-north-west of Lvov], 11 August 1698, printed in Shmurlo, op. cit. pp. 515–17.

58 Schmoller, G., The Mercantile System and its Historical Significance... 1884 (London, 1896), p. 64.Google ScholarSvensson, Sv., ‘Czar Peters motiv för kriget mot Sverige’, Historisk Tidskrift (Stockholm), LI (1931), 446–62, is a pioneering contribution to this subject.Google Scholar

59 Rosén, J., Den svenska utrikes politikens historia... 1697–1721 (Stockholm, 1952), p. 83.Google Scholar The tsar had as yet no diplomatic representative in London but it may be that Augustus II's resident, K. Ch. Kirchner, or his envoy extraordinary, B. H. von Nischwitz, who arrived at the end of 1701, spoke on behalf of both monarchs. According to van den Haute, G., Les relations anglo-hollandaises au début du XVIIIe Siècle (Louvain, 1932), p. 500,Google Scholar Augustus appears to have made similar overtures through his resident at The Hague. Cf. Hallendorff, , Handlingar..., pp. 75–9,Google Scholar minutes of conference between the Danish State Council and Patkul held on 16 May 1699, o.s., p. 78: England and Holland could be won over with the promise of free trade in Livonia and in other places on the Baltic.

60 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970v, 28 December 1705, news from Troppau (the nuncio's temporary residence).

61 Pis'ma i bumagi..., ibid. p. 1046, df. A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxx, fo. 970, news from Troppau, 28 December 1705.

62 Ibid. IX (1950), 400–7.

63 Ibid. x (1956), 458–60.

64 Arfwidsson, F.,Försvaret av Östersjöprovinserna 1708–1710 (Gefle, 1936), I–II, part I, 233,Google Scholarcf. Sbornik, Imp. Russ. Istor. Obshch., xxv (St Petersburg, 1878), 172, 196.Google Scholar

65 Sbornik, , loc. cit. 212–81.Google Scholar

66 Wittram, R., ‘Die Unterwerfung Livlands und Estlands 1710’, in Festschrift für H. Rothfels zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Besson, W. and Frhr, F.. Hiller von Gaertringen (Göttingen, 1963). PP. 278–310, p. 295.Google Scholar

67 Sbornik, , loc. cit. 285.Google Scholar

68 Pis'ma i bumagi..., x, 427.

69 Pis'ma i bumagi... (1962), XI, part 1 255, 273–4.

70 B.M. Add. MS. 37359, fo. 72, C. Whitworth, Draft relation to Mr Secretary St John, Elbing, 17 November 1711; P.R.O., S.P. 94.7, Whitworth to St John, as above. Charles Whitworth, with the rank of ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, was carrying out a mission to Augustus II on his return journey to Russia where he had been accredited between 1705 and 1710 as envoy and later as ambassador extraordinary. He left finally in June 1712. (Horn, D. B., ed., British Diplomatic Representatives, 1680–1689, London, 1932, pp. 88, 110–11).Google Scholar

71 Pis'ma i bumagi..., loc, cit. pp. 390–1.

72 Polwarth MSS, 1, 519, 534.

73 Jarochowski, K., ‘Car Piotr i August II w trzechleciu po sejmie niemym z roku 1717’ in Rozprawy historyczno-krytyczne (Poznan, 1889) 39–130, pp. 41, 51.Google Scholar

74 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. 92.Google ScholarCf. Feygina, S. A., Alandskii kongress... (Moscow-Leningrad 1959), pp. 57–8;Google ScholarHartman, K. J., Alandska kongressen och dess förhistoria, Acta Academiae Aboensis, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII (1921-1931), IV (1925), 61, 101, no. 3;Google ScholarNikiforov, L. A., Vnesh- nyaya politika Rossii v poslednie gody Severnoy voyny. Nishtadskii mir. (Moscow-Leningrad, 1959), pp. 92, 180, 393;Google ScholarLegg, L. Wickham (ed.), British Diplomatic Instructions (London, 1925), II (France, 1689-1721), 187.Google Scholar

75 Or, taking into account the difference in the content of fine silver, about 222,000, 266,000, 532,000 and 133,000 rix-dollars respectively; Sbornik, III (1868), 518, 527–8.Google Scholar

76 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLIX, fos. 133–5, account of Chometowski's reception and first audience, St Petersburg, 8 March 1720; ibid., fos. 158–61, extract from latest dispatches from St Petersburg, 23 March, account of Chometowski's first conference with the Russian ministers; ibid. fos. 282–3, account of conference of 3 June: ‘the restitution of Livonia and the evacuation of Courland are the principal objects of Chometowski's mission’; cf. Jarochowski, , op. cit. pp. 90–125.Google Scholar

77 A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 373, news from Warsaw, 2 October 1719; Pohoarth MSS, II, 630, 21 September 1720, ‘the two Russian regiments which are at Windau and Libau will leave immediately’.

78 Ibid. fos. 250–3, account of conference of 8 May, cf. fo. 265, news from Warsaw, 19 June, ‘the ambassador doubts whether Livonia will be restored’.

79 Text in A General Collection of Treaties of Peace and Commerce... from the end of the reign of Queen Anne to 1731, IV (London, 1732), 420–34. This topic will be treated separately.Google Scholar

80 Jacob, I.Beziehungen Englands zu Russland und zur Turkei in den Fahren 1718–1727... Basle, 1945, p. 138.Google Scholar

81 Text in Pol. Sob. Zak., vi, no. 3819. French text in Rousset de Missy, J., Recueil historique d'actes, négotiations, mémoires et traités, I (The Hague, 1728), 327–44; Biblioteka Czartoryskich, MS. 206, fos. 485–7, Peter I to Augustus II, St Petersburg, 14 September 1721 [o.s.?] (Polish copy).Google Scholar

82 P.R.O., S.P. 95.29, fos. 133v, 134v, extract from minutes of conference at Nystad, 12 July 1721, enclosed with fos. 127–9, Finch to Townshend, Stockholm, 6 September 1721, o.s.; Ahnlund, N., ‘Sveriges sista fred med Polen’, Karolinska Forbundets Arsbok for 1915, pp. 269–312, pp. 271–5.Google Scholar

83 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CL, fos. 81–2, news from Warsaw, 2 July 1721; 92 and 92v, Peter I to Augustus II, 18 May 1721 (o.s.?, Latin translation); 109–110v, news from Warsaw, 16 July 1721.

84 Polievktov, op. cit. p. 200.Google Scholar

85 Without the Polish palatinate of Livonia which remained under Polish rule until 1772. Forsten, G. V., ‘Snosheniya Shvetsii i Rossii vo vtoroy polovine XVII V.’, Zhurn, Min. Nar. Prosv. (February, April, May, June 1898, June, September 1899), April 1898, pp. 321–54, 331.Google Scholar

86 See Bantysh-Kamensky, , op. cit. (1897), part III, p. 6.Google Scholar

87 For reasons of space Courland has had to be omitted from this account. The events in Courland have most recently been outlined by Wittram, R. in Baltische Geschichte (Munich, 1954), pp. 119–22.Google ScholarPolievktov, M., Baltiskii vopros v russkoy politike posle Nishtadtskogo mira (1721–1725) (St Petersburg, 1907),Google Scholar contains much material relating to Courland also before 1721. von Richter, A., Geschichte der dem russischen Kaisertum einverleibten deutschen Ostseeprovinzen bis zur Zeit ihrer Vereinigung mit demselben (Riga, 1858),Google Scholar II, part III, remains the most detailed general survey; Gebhardi, A., Geschichte des Herzogtums Kurland und Semgallen, section 2, in Allgemeine Welthistorie der Neueren Zeit (Halle, 1789),Google Scholar part XXXIII, is informative but often inaccurate; some useful details may be found in Blomberg, op. cit. For relations between Russia and Courland, 1697–1725, see Bantysh-Kamensky, N. N., Obzor vneshnikh snoshenii Rossii... (Moscow, 1897), part III, pp. 11–20.Google Scholar

88 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLX, fos. 54–6, deciphered dispatch from the nuncio (V. Santini), Dresden, 12 March 1725.

89 Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXV, fos. 332–333v, Latin translation of Augustus II's instructions for the dietines (sejmiki) preceding the seym of 1724. The phrase (fo. 333) was probably used in the Polish original.

80 See Krannhals, D., Danzig und der Weichselhandel in seiner Blütezeit vom 16. zum 17. Fahrhundert (Leipzig, 1942).Google Scholar The map opposite p. 16 shows the economic catchment area of the Vistula. Cf. Obuchowska-Pysiowa, H., Handel wiślany w pierviszej poloviie XVII w. (with English summary) (Wroclaw, 1964).Google Scholar

91 Pis'ma i bumagi..., I, 191–2.Google Scholar

92 Martens, loc. cit. pp. 76–87. In 1713 Hamburg paid a contribution of 200,000 rix-dollars and Lubeck of 33,333 1/3

93 See Zech, E., ‘The struggle for Poland's Prussian ports during the reign of Gustavus Adolphus’, Baltic and Scandinavian Countries, IV (1938), 315–20;Google ScholarBöhme, K.-R., Die Schwedische Besetzung des Weichseldeltas 1626–1636 (= Beiheft 22 of Fahrbuch der Abertus-Universität, Königsberg, Würzburg, 1963).Google Scholar

94 Pis'ma i bumagi, III, 386–371.

95 Bantysh-Kamenski, op. cit. part II (1896), p. 165.Google Scholar

96 Wodziński, A. M., Gdańsk za czasów Stanislawa Leszczyńskiego (1704–09, 1733–34) (Cracow, 1929);Google ScholarRekowski, A., ‘Gdańsk wobec po rlityki Rosji w latach 1700–1709’, Gdańskie Zeszyty Humanistyczne, V (1962), nos. 8–12, 303–20.Google Scholar

97 Sbornik..., LXI, 86; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part I, 14–17, 341–3 and XI, part 2 (1964), 284–6.

98 Ibid. 152, 154, 160.

99 Martens, , loc. cit. pp. 106–11.Google Scholar

100 Bantysh-Kamensky, , loc. cit. p. 167.Google Scholar

101 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 61; Tunstall, B. (ed.), The Byng Papers, in (London, 1932), 264–6, 291;Google Scholarde Lamberty, M., Mémoirespour servir à l'histoire du XVIIIe Siècle, IX (Amsterdam, 1735). 654.Google Scholar

102 Arch. Segr. Vat., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fo. 508, the tsar's declaration to the magistrates of Danzig, 17 April 1716 (Latin translation); fo. 509, points proposed by the tsar to the above, as above (French translation from Polish); fo. 510, the city's reply, 9 May 1716 (French); Pol. Sob. Zak., v, nos. 3018, 3021; cf. Doerries, H., ‘Peter des Grossen Beziehungen ZJJ Danzig 1716–17 und die Begrundung der russischen Agentur’, Forschungen zur Osteuropäischen Geschichte, I (1954), 23–44.Google Scholar

103 Polwarth MSS, I, 282, 287.Google Scholar

104 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 67.Google Scholar

105 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fo. 472, news from Dresden, 23 August 1717; Polwarth MSS, I 303, 325; Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Doerries, op. cit. pp. 39–40. For purposes of comparison it is useful to note that in 1722 the annual cost of the Russian army was estimated at 4 million roubles or 3,548,800 rix-dollars (Kafengauz, B. B. & Pavlenko, N. I. (eds.), Ocherki Istorii S.S.S.R., Rossiya v pervoy chetverti XVIII v., Moscow, 1954, p. 300). The French consul at Danzig regarded the tsar's demand of ships as only a means of extorting cash. (Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 62.)Google Scholar

106 Biblioteka Czartoryskich, MS. 205, fos. 109–10, Augustus II to Peter I, Dresden, 27 September 1717 (copy); ibid. fos. 261–2, as above, 18 March 1718; A.S.V., loc. cit. fo. 410 and 410v, copy of petition from city of Danzig to Augustus II, n.d. (Latin); ibid, CXLVII, fo. 349, Augustus II to Peter I (November 1718? copy translated from Polish into French); Elagin, loc. cit. pp. 138–50; Jarochowski, K., ‘Dwie misje F. Ponińskiego... do cara Piotra w latach 1717 i 18’, pp. 141, 164, in Z czasów saskich, spraw wewngtrznych, polityki i wojny (Poznań, 1886), pp. 81–185.Google Scholar

107 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVI, fos. 478–9, the magistracy of Danzig to A. M. Sieniawski, grand hetman of Poland, 6 September 1717, copy (Latin); fo. 507, news from Dresden, 6 September; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 361; Doerries, loc. cit.; text of convention between Peter I and Danzig in Martens, loc. cit. pp. 168–77, Pol. Sob. Zak., v, no. 3104.

108 Ibid. no. 3108.

109 Doerries, , op. cit. p. 43.Google Scholar

110 Bridge, C. A. G. (ed.), The Russian Fleet under Peter the Great (London, 1899), pp. 106–8;Google Scholar Archives Nationales, Correspondance Consulaire, CCCCLXXIV, fos. 154–5, copy of announce- ment by Maj.-Gen. Freiherr von Edelack, dated 31 December 1717, that in the name of the tsar he has appointed Andreas Sipman director of the Russian entrepot at Danzig; cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 109.Google Scholar

111 Polwarth MSS, 1, 485, 505, 550, 573, 576, 590, 591.

112 In May the number of Russian troops in Poland was ‘computed at 12,000’ (P.R.O., S.P. 88.116, letter from J. Kenworthy, George I's agent at Danzig, 28 May 1718 o.s.?); in September six regiments of 1,200 men were camping on the city's estates (A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 301–303v, news from Warsaw, 7 September 1718, cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , loc. cit. p. 124); in September there were said to be 30,000 Russians ‘in Poland and about Danzig’ (Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 611) but this estimate seems too low and may be taken to refer only to a part of the country, possibly to Greater Poland (Wielkopolska).Google Scholar

113 Cf. Nordmann, op. cit. p. 124; Feygina, op. cit. p. 319; see also Jarochowski, op. cit. p. 163; Jägerskiöld, S., Sverige och Europa 1716–1718 (Ekenäs, 1937), p. 369.Google Scholar The Poles regarded the measures against Danzig as a mere pretext for the presence of Russian troops there: A.S.V., loc. cit. fos 350 and 350v, copy of letter from K. Zawisza, marshal (chairman) of the seym to Peter I (Grodno, October or November 1718, Latin translation from Polish); fo. 351, the primate (S. Szembek) to Peter I, as above.

114 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 548, 551, 566, 573, 576.

115 Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 112.Google Scholar

116 News from Warsaw as in note 112; Frederick William I to Augustus II, A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 56–57v, Berlin, 21 Jan. 1719 (Latin transl.).

117 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLVII, fos. 437–438v, report to Augustus II on the conference of senators held in Warsaw on 16 December 1718 (French).

118 Doerries, , op. cit. p. 35; Polwarth MSS, 1, 77.Google Scholar

119 Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 85, 90, 130; H. Fiedler, ‘Danzig und England. Die Handels- bestrebungen der Engländer vom Ende des 14. bis zum Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts’, Zeitschrift des Westpreussischen Geschichtsvereins, fasc. 68 (1928), pp. 61–125; Volumina Legum (St Petersburg, 1859), III, pp. 278, 325, 445; IV, (1859), 10, 39, 260, 288.Google Scholar

120 Hinton, R. W. K., The Eastland Trade and the Common Weal (Cambridge, 1959), p. 156.Google Scholar

121 Sir William Browne, Bt. His instructions dated 11 July 1700 are in P.R.O., S.P. 104. 120.

122 Text in P.R.O., S.P. 108.286, French translation in de Martens, G. F. (ed.), Supplément au Recueil des principaux traités..., (Göttingen, 1802) I, 44–63;Google Scholar cf. Rev. Robinson, J. (the envoy extraordinary who negotiated the convention) to Harley, Stolpe, 27 October 1706, P.R.O., S.P. 88.17, fo. 64; and the same to the same, Frankfurt on the Oder, 5 November 1706 (o.s.?),Google Scholaribid. fos. 68–73v, with Robinson's comments.

123 P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 236, Sir C. Hedges, secretary of state, to Robinson, 26 August 1703, o.s.; the same to the same, 22 October 1703, o.s.; S.P. 88.43, tne city of Danzig to Queen Anne, 6 December 1709, requesting intercession; ibid. 16 April 1710, returning thanks for intercession with Augustus II; ibid. 6 April 1712, requesting intercession for delivering the city from the Muscovites; S.P. 104.209, fos. 303v-304, 20 December 1709, o.s., instructions for the Earl of Stair, envoy extraordinary. He was to ‘protect and countenance our subjects trading in those parts’, ‘render their commerce as easy and beneficial as possible’, ‘preserve their rights, increase their privileges’. ‘And as we have a particular interest in the preservation of... Danzig with its privileges and immunities... and that it may not suffer by attack or bombardment or any other military enterprise’, the envoy's task was in the event of any such design being afoot ‘to hinder the same... by proper remonstrances’. The subsequent instructions for Scott and for Vernon follow this pattern.

124 P.R.O., S.P. 104.72, fo. 30, Harley to Stanhope, Whitehall, 1 August 1704; fo. 31, the same to the same, 5 August 1704 (o.s.?); Kutrzeba, op. cit. pp. 98–9; van der Haute, , op. cit. pp. 240–4.Google Scholar

125 P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 49–57, 28 May 1711, o.s., instructions for James Scott, envoy extraordinary; F.O. 90.46, fos. 25–28, 3 July 1715, o.s., instructions for Sir R. Vernon, envoy extraordinary.

126 The Compleat History of the Treaty of Utrecht (London, 1715), 2 vols; 1, part 2, 251, 11, part 1, 112;Google Scholar of P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, 10 December 1708, city of Danzig to Queen Anne requesting her interest and protection at a general peace.

127 P.R.O., CO. 388.20, item 63, A State of the British trade into Danzig, Anno 1715.

128 Between 1593 and 1709 6,393 aliens, 57 per cent of the total number of newcomers joined the ranks of the citizens of Danzig. 135 of these were natives of Scotland and 18 of England. (Penners-Ellwart, H., Die Danziger Biirgerschaft nach Herkunft undBeruf 1536–1709, Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Geschichte und Landeskunde Ost-Mitteleuropas, XIII, Marburg, 1954 (reproduced from typescript), pp. 153–9 and table 11, 2).Google Scholar

129 P.R.O., S.P. 102.43, Theodore Jacobsen to Queen Anne, 1714.

130 Letter from Kenworthy, as in note 112.

131 B.M. Add. MS. 28145, fos. 211–12, instruction for Sir John Norris, Hampton Court, 19 August 1718 [o.s.?], copy; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 77.

132 Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 239, 347–8, 378; Chance, ... Diplomatic Instructions, Sweden, p. 104.

133 P.R.O., Adm. 2.49, order to Byng of 7 June 1717, o.s.

134 B.M. Add. MS. 28155, fos. 43 and 43v. The case of Samuel Worster, merchant, subject of H.M. of Great Britain, lately residing at Stockholm; Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 282, 323; Byng Papers, loc. cit. pp. 230, 259, 291; Ciéslak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar

135 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 275.Google Scholar

136 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. pp. 256, 288;Google ScholarCieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 66.Google Scholar George I's proclamation prohibiting commerce with Sweden of 2 March 1717, o.s., ‘upon the discovery of evil practices which had been carried on by certain Ministers of Sweden to disturb the peace and tranquillity of this Kingdom’ did not forbid British merchantmen to ply between foreign ports and Sweden (The London Gazette, no. 5517).

137 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 322.Google Scholar

138 Saint-Saphorin MSS., Robethon to Saint-Saphorin, Hampton Court, 27 August 1717 (copy).

139 Polwarth MSS, loc. cit. p. 288;Google Scholar (cf. Cieślak, & Rumiński, , op. cit. p. 52).Google Scholar

140 As Frederick III, Elector of Brandenburg. See the treaty between the latter and the Polish Republic of 1699 concerning the retrocession of Elbing in settlement of a debt in von Moerner, T., Kurbrandenburgs Staatsverträge von 1661 bis 1700 (Berlin, 1867), pp. 600–62, 809–10Google Scholar and Hassinger, E., Brandenburg-Preussen, Russlandund Schweden, 1700–1713 (Munich, 1953). passim.Google Scholar

141 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxxvn, fos. 518–19v, news from Warsaw, 31 August 1712.

142 Loewe, op. cit. pp. 158–61.

143 A.S.V., loc. cit. cxxxv, fos. 244 and 244v, news from Warsaw, 22 March 1710; ibid. fos. 265–6, as above, 26 March.

144 Stow, J., op. cit. p. 262;Google ScholarSzelagowski, A. & Gras, N. A. B., ‘The Eastland Company in Prussia, 1579–1585’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 3rd ser., VI (1912), 163–84;CrossRefGoogle ScholarSimson, P., ‘Die Handelsniederlassung der Englischen Kaufleute in Elbing’, Hansische Geschichtsblätter, XXII (1916), 87–143; Vol. Leg., in, 278.Google Scholar

146 See Neubaur, L., ‘Die Russen in Elbing, 1710–1713’, Altpreussische Monatsschrift, LIII (1917), 273–366.Google Scholar

146 Gierszewski, S., ‘Statystyka handlu zbozowego Elblaga w latach 1642–1795’, Zapiski Historyczne, XXIII (1957),Google Scholar fasc. 1–3, 157–74, 170. The largest amount exported from Elbing between 1700 and 1725 was 4,918 lasts in 1706. The French consul at Danzig records the figure of 16,338 lasts for 1718, a bad year. The corresponding figure for Elbing is 2,925 lasts. For the conversion of lasts into kilograms see Binerowski, Z., ‘Gdańskie miary zbozowe w XVII i XVIII wieku’, Zap. Hist., loc, cit. pp. 59–81, table opposite p. 78.Google Scholar

147 Gierszewski, S., Elblqski przemysl okretowy 1570–1815, (Gdansk, 1961), p. 98.Google Scholar

148 B.M. Add. MS. 37359, fos. 71–4 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as in note 101.

149 B.M. Add. MS. 37359 and P.R.O., S.P. 94.7 as above; Pis'ma i bumagi, XI, part 1, 238; Bantysh-Kamensky, op. cit. part 11, pp. 189–90; Neubaur, op. cit.; Schirren, op. cit. p. 63; Gierszewski, Elblqski przemysl..., p. 105.

150 Stock, L. F. (ed.), Proceedings and Debates of the British Parliaments respecting North America(Washington, D.C.,1924), 1, 101. The year of Roe's speech is 1640.Google Scholar

151 For the small size of this item in relation to the Eastland trade as a whole see Hinton, op. cit. pp. 99–100.

152 See Pepys, S., Memoires of the Royal Navy, 1679–1688 (ed. Tanner, J. R.) (Oxford, 1906), pp. 30–34Google Scholar and cf. Sutherland, W., Britain's Glory: or, Ship-Building unvail'd (London, 1717), part 1 , p. 75;Google ScholarHollond, J., Two Discourses of the Royal Navy, 1638 and 1659 (London, 1896), pp. 225–7;Google ScholarAlbion, R. G., Forests and Sea Power, The Timber Problem of the Royal Navy, 1652–1682 (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), p. 161.Google Scholar

153 On the subject of naval supplies see Albion, op. cit.; Merriman, R. D. (ed.), Queen Anne's Navy: documents concerning the administration of the navy of Queen Anne, 1702–1714 (London, 1961), pp. 140–68;Google ScholarMalone, J. J., Pine Trees and Politics (London, 1965).Google Scholar

154 Marperger, P. J., Ausführliche Beschreibung des Hanfs und Flachs und der daraus verfertigten Manufakturen... (Leipzig, 1710).Google Scholar

155 Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, March 1714/1715 to October 1718 (London, 1924), p. 106.Google Scholar

156 See note 36. Riga's best customer was the Netherlands: Bang, N. E. & Korst, K. (eds.), Tables de la navigation etdu transport passant parle Sund 1661–1783... (Copenhagen-Leipzig, 1939), 1st half-volume, pp. 364, 378, 393, 407, 422, 435, 446, 457, 471.Google Scholar

157 The fly-sheets referred to in notes 41 and 42 and Several Grievances of the English Merchants in their Trade into the Dominions of the King of Sweden, whereby it doth appear how dangerous it may be for the English nation to depend... on Sweden only... [London, 1698?].Google Scholar

158 Åström, From Cloth to Iron..., p. 185.Google Scholar

159 Owen, J. H., War at Sea under Queen Anne, 1702–1708 (Cambridge, 1938), p. 26;Google ScholarEhrman, J. P. W., The Navy in the War of William III, 1689–1697, its state and direction (Cambridge, 1953), p. 619. The Act of Parliament ‘for building good and defensible ships', 5–6 W. & M., c. 24, allowed builders of three-decked ships one-tenth of the tunnage and pound-age due in respect of the first three voyages made by such ships. If taken into the King's service these would be able to carry fifty or sixty guns at least (House of Lords MSS, n.s., 1, 1900, 391). I have not so far seen any reference to the possible effect of this Act on the demand for naval stores and consequently on the Eastland and Muscovy trades.Google Scholar

160 P.R.O., S.P. 104.215, fos. 27–31, Trade Commissioners’ report of 22 January 1711; Calendar of Treasury Books (London, 1949), XXIII, part 2 (1709), 364-5.Google Scholar

161 Pol. Sob. Zak., IV, no. 1866, ukase of 18 August 1701, o.s.; Tishchenko, M., ‘Narisi istorii zovnishnoi torgovli Starodubshchini v XVII v.’, Vseukrains'ka Akademiya Nauk, Zapiski Istorichno-Filologichnogo Viddilu, XXVI, 315–67, pp. 320, 321, 329, 340.Google Scholar

162 ‘Truth is but Truth, as it is Timed, or our Ministry's present Measures against the Muscovites vindicated by plain and obvious Reasons...’, [by G. Mackenzie] reprinted in Boyer, A., ed., The Political State of Great Britain (09 1719), XXXIX, 159–75, p. 164.Google Scholar

163 Sbornik... (St Petersburg, 1884), xxxrx, 68, 261–2, 459. For Whitworth see note 70.

164 Nordberg, op. cit. (1743), I, 98; Zahiski, op. cit. (1711), III, 67: it was the French envoy du Héron who persuaded Augustus II not to bombard Riga by implying that England and the Netherlands would appreciate his gesture and by pointing out that a bombardment would make him unpopular with merchants throughout Europe (Ministere des Affaires Etrangéres, Correspondance Politique, Pologne, CII, fos. 194–201, du Héron to Louis XIV, the camp before Riga, 16 September 1700. Cf. A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXII, fo. 413v, news from Warsaw, 11 September 1700). For William III's concern at the safety of the English merchants at Riga see BM. Add. MS. 28944, fo. 48 and 48v, draft of letter to Duke Frederick William of Courland, Kensington, 19 March 1700 (o.s. ?), (Latin) requesting his assistance. Cf. ibid. fo. 129, and attestation by Benjamin Ayloffe, Henry Phill and Randolph Knipe, of 28 June 1700 (o.s. ?). They have considerable effects of hemp and flax lying in Riga but the ships sent to collect these goods, bought and paid for before the siege, have been turned back by the Saxon garrison at Dünamünde. Knipe, together with another London merchant, a Mr Collins, also had a share in the trade with Courland (P.R.O., S.P. 104.153, fo. 205, Hedges to Robinson, Whitehall, 29 April 1701 [o.s. ?]).

165 Sbornik, , loc. cit. pp. 222–5.Google Scholar

166 Ibid. pp. 78–9, 118, 122.

167 Merriman, , op. cit. pp. 159–62;Google Scholar Albion, op. cit. p. 160. For fluctuations in the prices of pitch and tar see Sir Beveridge, W. (ed.), Prices and Wages in England from the twelfth to the nineteenth century (London, 1939), I, 660–1, 663–6, 673, 675.Google Scholar

168 Sbornik..., loc. cit. pp. 37, 45, 110; Brown, B. Curtis (ed.), The Letters and Diplomatic Instructions of Queen Anne (London, 1935), pp. 151, 328;Google ScholarJournal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Feb. 1708/9 to March 1714/15 (London, 1925), pp. 125, 150, 306.Google Scholar

167 Chance, op. cit. p. xvi; the same, George I and the Northern War... (London, 1909), pp. 18, 22.Google Scholar

170 Papers of the Russia Company (deposited in the Guildhall Library), Minutes of the Court of Assistants, IV, fo. 438; Chance, ‘The Northern Question in 1717’, Eng. Hist. Rev., XX (1905), 33–60, 251–74, 64. The figure given by Chance for 1717 is by some §2,000 higher than that in the document cited above.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

171 Text in Lamberty, op. cit. ix (1735), 228–30. The text of the Cruisers and Convoys Act, 1708, is printed in Merriman, op. cit. pp. 344–6.

172 Coxe, W. (ed.), Memoirs of the Life and Administration of Sir R. Walpole, Earl of Orford (London, 1798), 11, 88.Google Scholar

173 Parke, G. (ed.), Letters and Correspondence of Henry St John, Viscount Bolingbroke (London, 1798), I, 178–9;Google Scholarcf. Chance, J. F., ‘England and Sweden in the time of William III and Anne’, Eng. Hist. Rev., XI (1901), 679–711, p. 693;Google ScholarReading, D. K., The Anglo-Russian Commercial Treaty of 1734 (New Haven, 1938), 67–8;Google Scholar cf. A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., cxxxv, fo. 630 and 630v, news from Warsaw, 30 July 1710: the growing power of the tsar is bound to arouse the jealousy of the Emperor, should Russian forces want to operate on Imperial territory, as well as of England and Holland who are interested in preserving the balance [of power] in the Baltic on account of the trade [in that area] which the tsar seems to want to dominate.

174 P.R.O., S.P. 104.123, Bolingbroke to Scott, Whitehall, 23 July 1713 (o.s.?): ‘the accession of Livonia to King Augustus would not make amends for the accession of Estonia to the tsar and for the building up of a power which must thereafter become a troublesome neighbour’.

175 Arkhiv... Kurakina (Saratov, 1896), VI, 16–21.

176 A.S.V., loc. cit. CXXXVIII, fo. 526 and 526v, the nuncio (B. Odescalchi) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paoiucci), Warsaw, 6 September 1713.

177 Ibid fos. 542–543 v, the same to the same, 20 September 1713.

178 Arkhiv... Kurakina (Moscow 1902), X, 188–202.

179 Chance, George I..., pp. 102–6; Sbornik..., LXI, 407.

180 Russia Company Papers, loc. cit. fos. 290–2, 24 April 1714 (o.s. ?).

181 Reprinted in Boyer's Political State of Great Britain–see note 162 and cf. note 2.

182 Sbornik..., loc. cit.

183 Chance, Brit. Diplom. Instr., pp. 107, 109; the same, ‘The Northern Pacification of 1719–1720’, E.H.R., XXII (1907), 478–507, 694–725; XXIII, 35–64, p. 44.Google Scholar

184 P.R.O., S.P. 90.14, Whitworth to Townshend, Berlin, 3 May 1721.

185 Hedemann, O., Dzisna i Thuja, magdeburskie miasta (Vilno, 1934), pp. 150–1;Google Scholar the same, Dawne puszcze i wody, as above, pp. 58, 81, 83; Malowist, M., ‘A certain trade technique in the Baltic countries in the fifteenth-seventeenth centuries’, Poland at the Xlth International Congress of Historical Sciences in Stockholm (Warsaw, 1960), pp. 103–16;Google Scholar cf. chapter V of the treaty concluded in Warsaw on 18 November 1705 between Charles XII and Stanislas Leszczyhski, text in Dumont, op. cit. vin, part 1 (1731), 173–8.

186 Pol. Sob. Zak. VI, ukase no. 4415 of 14 January 1724, o.s.

187 Ensh, G. (Jensch), ‘Polonica v rizhskom gosudarstvennom arkhive’, Uchenye Zapiski Instituta Slavyanovedeniya, II (1950), 311-25, p. 322.Google Scholar

188 Dzhidzhora, I., ‘Ekonomichna politka rosiis'kogo pravitel'stva suproti Ukraini v 1710–1730 rr.’, Zapiski Tovaristva imeni Shevchenka, XCVIII, 55–74; CI, 63–100; CIII (1910), 54–67; CV (1911), 50–91; XCVIII, 63, 65, 71;Google ScholarUlyanitsky, V. A., ‘Istoricheskii ocherk russkikh konsul'stv za granitsey’ in Moskovskii Glavnyi Arkhiv, Sbornik, vyp. 5–6 (1880);Google ScholarWendt, H., ‘Schlesien und der Orient’, Darstellungen und Quellen zur schlesischen Geschichte, XXI (1916), 168.Google Scholar

189 Cf. note 161; Pis'ma i bumagi..., XI, part 2, 284.

190 Dzhidzhora, op. cit. p. 97, cf. the map appended to Jensch, Der Handel Rigas...

191 Pol. Sob. Zak., v, ukases no. 2767 and no. 2768 of 30 June 1714, o.s.

192 Dzhidzhora, loc. cit. XCVIII, 71, CI, 66.

193 For legislation prohibiting this abuse see Vol. Leg., VII (1860), 230, cf. Jasiński, L., Beiträge zur Finanzgeschichte Polens im XVIII. Fahrhundert (Poznań, 1910), p. 144.Google Scholar

194 According to Jasinski, loc. cit., the revenue from the source in 1712, 190,000 zlotys or 63·333 1/3 rix-dollars amounted to only half the corresponding figure for about 1650. From the inadequate data (Jasiński, op. cit.; H. Rachel, ‘Polnische Handels- und Zollverhältnisse im 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert’, Fahrbuch für Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung und Volkswirtschaft im Deutschen Reich, XXXIII, part 2, 1909, 41–62), it is impossible to calculate the rate at which customs duty was levied on goods crossing Poland in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. In 1723 at the request of the Emperor the tsar eased the restrictions on the trade between the Ukraine and Silesia (Pol. Sob. Zak, VI, no. 4159), which received a further stimulus from the agreement concluded in 1727 between the representatives of the Emperor and of Poland. This lowered the duty on the goods passing to and from Silesia through Poland and simplified its collection (Dzhidzhora, op. cit. (1911), pp. 50–7; Wendt, op. cit. p. 69; Tschierschky, S., Die Wirtschaftspolitik des schhsischen Kommerzkollegs, 1716–1740, Gotha, 1902, pp. 112–14).Google Scholar

195 Nordberg, op. cit. III (1748), 62–3; Bonnesen, S., Studier över August II's utrikespolitik, 1712–1715 (Lund, 1918), I, III.Google Scholar

196 See note 185.

197 P.R.O., CO. 388.23, fo. 56, J. Jefferyes to Townshend, Danzig, 30 August 1721, o.s.

198 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CLII, fo. 83, news from Danzig, 14 March 1723.

199 Hildebrand, K.-G. (‘Ekonomiska syften i svensk expansions-politik’, Karolinska Förbundets Arsbok, 1949, pp. 7–40) has drawn very similar conclusions from an examination of the economic aspects of the treaty of Warsaw.Google Scholar

200 Riksarkivet, Stockholm, Polonica CXXV, Protokoll vid underhanlingarna 1705, minutes of conference held on 17 October 1705 (Swedish style). This document was originally referred to by Professor Hildebrand, op. cit. p. 30.

201 Chance, ‘The Northern Pacification...’, p. 63.

202 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXLIV, fos. 333–6, Dolgoruky's memorandum to Augustus II, 9 February 1716 (Latin translation); ibid. CXLVIII, fo. 399, news from Warsaw, 13 December 1719; Cieślak & Rumiński, op. cit. p. 50

203 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXII, fos. 136–7, news from Dresden, 15 March 1700; the pamphlet Ekscytarz polski... (1700), copied in Bib. Czart. MS. 194, fos. 323–32 speaks for the small minority which was in favour of the war and looks forward to its felicitous conclusion as a future bond between His Majesty and the Republic, ‘the first step towards a secure peace with our neighbours and the renewal or revision of our treaties with them’.

204 A.S.V., Nunz. Pol., CXXV, fos. 85–7, the nuncio (F. Pignatelli) to the secretary of state (Cardinal F. Paolucci), Pless, 26 July 1702; CXXIX, fos. 25–8, the nuncio (O. F. Spada) to the above, Cracow, 5 February 1704; ibid. CXXIII, fos. 246–9v, a MS. copy of the pamphlet Brevis et dolens sermo maerentis et in libertatibus suis nimis vulneratae matris, Reipublicae Polonae... , Vratislaviae, n.d., cf. a MS. copy of the PoUsh version in Bib. Czart., MS. 196, fos. 959–92, fos. 976–9: ‘the Muscovites have ever been sworn enemies of the Polish nation’.

205 Under the Swedish-Hanoverian convention of July 1719, but Hanoverian troops had occupied Bremen and Verden in October 1715. Mediger, W., Russlands Weg nach Europa (Braunschweig, 1952), p. 20.Google Scholar