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Cooperation in the liberalization of international trade: after hegemony, what?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 May 2009

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Nations dwell in perpetual anarchy, for no central authority imposes limits on the pursuits of sovereign interests. … Because as states, they cannot cede ultimate control over their conduct to an supranational sovereign, they cannot guarantee that they will adhere to their promises. The possibility of a breach of promise can impede cooperation even when cooperation would leave all better off. Yet, at other times, states do realize common goals through cooperation under anarchy.

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Copyright © The IO Foundation and Cambridge University Press 1987

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References

1. For example, contractual promises extracted through duress, fraud, or undue influence may be exempt from enforcement.

2. Conybeare, J. A. C., “International Organization and the Theory of Property Rights”, International Organization 34 (Summer 1980), pp. 325–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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4. The members of the two groups discussed here accept to a greater or lesser extent the desirability of a liberal international trading system. A third group could be added, including many Marxist analysts, who do not accept the basic premise of mutual gains from liberal world trade.

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7. These questions are the focus of the traditional hegemonic stability literature as well as of business-cycle theories of trade policy.

8. This question is emphasized in political economy, public choice, and pressure-group theories of trade policy.

9. The other questions mentioned can also be addressed using the framework developed in this article. However, we chose to limit our focus to the single question of the various possible forms of international trade liberalization. Understanding the historical variation in the structure of international trade liberalization is essential to progress toward a general structural or systemwide theory of trade policy. Some theories that have been suggested (e.g., hegemonic stability) may be able to explain this historical variation; others (e.g., business-cycle theories or domestic pressure-group theories) seem by their nature less likely to be able to address this question, although they certainly play a role in the actual determination of trade policy.

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16. Factors such as monopoly power, economies of scale, and externalities in production and consumption are ignored or, alternatively, are assumed to be dealt with using policies other than restrictions on trade.

17. The division of gainers and losers refers to the short run. In the long run, the owners of resources used intensively in production of the country's goods of comparative advantage gain from liberalization, while the owners of resources used intensively in production of the country's goods of comparative disadvantage lose according to the Stolper-Samuelson Theorem.

18. This is a functional view of institutions, holding that the existence of institutions can be understood through the functions that those institutions serve. For a discussion in terms of international issues, see Keohane, After Hegemony, especially chaps. 5 and 6.

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30. For more extensive discussion of the concept of hegemony, see the works mentioned in nn. 5 and 6.

31. This line of reasoning, if carried further, leads to the Marxist view of hegemony as represented in the work of Stephen, Hymer, e.g., “The Efficiency (Contradictions) of Multinational Corporations,” American Economic Review 60 (1970), pp. 441–48.Google Scholar

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33. For a detailed explanation, see Yarbrough, and Yarbrough, , “Free Trade, Hegemony.” The terminology hegemonic cooperation is from Keohane, After Hegemony, p. 55.Google Scholar

34. See Conybeare, J. A. C., “Public Goods, Prisoners' Dilemmas and the International Political Economy,” International Studies Quarterly 28 (1984), pp. 522.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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38. For a more detailed examination of the incentives facing the hegemon in its bargaining with other countries, see Yarbrough, B. V. and Yarbrough, R. M., “Side-payments and Holdouts in a Principal-Agent Model” (Working paper, Department of Economics, Amherst College, 1985).Google Scholar

39. See Elliott, E. D., Ackerman, B. A., and Millian, J. C., “Toward a Theory of Statutory Evolution: The Federalization of Environmental Law,” Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 1 (Fall 1985), p. 325.Google Scholar

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41. Conybeare, “Trade Wars,” especially pages 152–58.

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43. McKeown, “Hegemonic Stability.”

44. Cuddington and McKinnon, “Free Trade,” p. 12.

45. See Yarbrough and Yarbrough, “Reciprocity, Bilateralism,” p. 12.

46. For example, Vernon, R., “International Trade Policy in the 1980s,” International Studies Quarterly 26 (12 1982), pp. 504–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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49. For development of the general theory of self-enforcing agreements, see Telser, L., “A Theory of Self-enforcing Agreements,” Journal of Business 27 (1980), pp. 2744; for international applications, see Yarbrough and Yarbrough, “Reciprocity, Bilateralism.”CrossRefGoogle Scholar

50. Goldstein, J. L. and Krasner, S. D., “Unfair Trade Practices: The Case for a Differential Response,” American Economic Review 74 (1984), pp. 282–87; Axelrod, Evolution.Google Scholar

51. Conybeare, “Trade Wars,” pp. 153–57.