Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
1. Some exceptions include Franklin Tugwell, “Energy and Political Economy,” Comparative Politics 13 (10 1980), pp. 1–14.Google Scholar Gerald Garvey's review essay of policy research priorities and paradigms is also quite exceptional. See Garvey, , “Research on Energy Policy: Process and Institutions,” in Energy and the Social Sciences, Hans, Landsberg, ed. (Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future, 1974).Google Scholar An excellent review of the literature on energy in the economics discipline is Dermot Gately, “A Ten-Year Retrospective: Opec and the World Oil Market,” Journal of Economic Literature 22 (09 1984), pp. 1100–1114.Google Scholar
2. The best critical bibliography by far is Ernest, J. and Ann-Marie, Yanarella, Energy and the Social Sciences; A Bibliographic Guide to the Literature (Boulder: Westview, 1982).Google Scholar
3. Although now less visible in importing countries during the “glut,” the topic evoked strong feelings during interviews that I conducted in 1980–1981 at OPEC headquarters in Vienna, at the International Energy Agency in Paris, and with national policy makers in other European countries, the Middle East, the United States, and several non-oil-exporting developing countries. Continued market uncertainty has again raised the specter of politicization.
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13. Ibid., p. 39.
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22. Ibid., pp. 43–45.
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33. Paul, Kemesis and Wilson, Ernest J. III, The Decade of Energy Policy: Policy Analysis in Oil Importing Countries (New York: Praeger, 1984), chap. 7.Google Scholar
34. Linear projections continued even after the two OPEC shocks, both in the popular press and in more specialized arenas. Interesting counterpositions that discuss volatility include James, Cook, “The Great Oil Swindle,” Forbes, 15 03 1982, pp. 99–108Google Scholar; Danial Yergin and the other authors in Global Insecurity anticipate further fluctuations. Hedging their bets on linear change are Leo Solomon and Webster, L. Duvall, “Less Volatile Scenario for the 80's,” Geophysics (06 1982).Google Scholar
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45. By politicization I mean the increased salience of political criteria in actors' decision making in a market. Some political criteria are always present in important markets, but at some times, for strategic reasons, they rank higher in the decision hierarchy than at others. Politicization is especially likely in volatile markets for such economically central products as oil; governments are more likely to intervene to reduce uncertainty. The PPC discriminates between two forms of politicization—simple and complex. Simple politicization refers to one-time conflicts over market outcomes when political criteria become more important and usually involves an increased role for government, as in the use of the “oil weapon.” This parallels Keohane and Nye's distinction between structure and process level conflicts. See note 8 above. Although the purposes are usually strictly partisan, one-time simple politicization often reinforces preferred commercial gains—better terms on a barter deal, bargaining over a higher price, and so forth. Complex politicization is more far-reaching in its ambitions and impact. It occurs when there are sustained and powerful challenges to the basic rules and norms of a system. Here the struggle between the parties, for example, is not whether prices should be higher or lower, but over who should legitimately determine prices and in what ways. The PPC model predicts that successful politicization is more likely to occur at the peak of the business cycle than at the trough.
46. Morse, Edward L., “The Petroleum Economy: A Rebirth of Liberalism?” SAIS Review 3 (Summer-Fall 1983), pp. 143–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
47. Politicization in the pre-1970 cycles was perhaps somewhat less acute, in part because the conflicts occurred largely among the industrialized countries. A study explicitly contrasting past intra-Western oil conflicts with more recent North-South ones would be instructive.
48. I am grateful to Edward Morse for sharpening my focus on this point.
49. All three wrote in Foreign Policy 14 (Spring 1974)Google Scholar: Stephen Krasner, “Oil Is the Exception,” Zuhayr Mikdashi, “Collusion Could Work,” and C. Fred Bergston's reply. It was his earlier piece in the same magazine which partially provoked the exchange.
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