Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-lnqnp Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T07:44:46.198Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

MEDICAL TABLETS FROM THE ARCHIVE OF THE EGIBI FAMILY? AN EDITION OF BM 30918 AND BM 31071

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 October 2021

Krisztián Simkó
Affiliation:
Assyrian Medicine Project Department of the Middle East British Museum Great Russell Street LondonWC1B 3DGKSimko@britishmuseum.org
András Bácskay
Affiliation:
Department of Ancient History Pázmány Péter Catholic University Piliscsaba – Budapest bacskay.andras@btk.ppke.hu

Abstract

Building on recent advances in the field of Neo- and Late Babylonian medicine, this paper presents the edition and thorough analysis of two unpublished medical tablets from the collections of the British Museum (BM 30918 and BM 31071). In the first part, the archival and social context of these tablets will be explored, while also reporting on findings about how they might fit into the larger corpus of Late Babylonian medical texts. The two tablets are published in the second part of the paper. The aim of this paper is to illustrate that the discussed tablets contribute a lot to our understanding of how medicine as a scientific field worked in the latter half of the first millennium B.C.E. It advances further and draws up more comprehensively the thesis about the “personalisation” of medical knowledge, put forward only recently in the scholarly literature. In addition, it also collects evidence that ties Itti-Marduk-balāṭu, an important member of the Egibi family, to the craft of incantation priests (āšipūtu); this person has so far been known mostly for his activity as a businessman.

بناء على التطورات الحديثة في مجال الطب البابلي الحديث والمتأخر، يقدم هذا البحث الإضافة والتحليل الدقيقين لثلاثة لم يتم نشرها سابقا من الرُقَم الطبية من مجموعات المتحف البريطاني رقم (BM 30918 و BM 31071). يتم في الجزء الأول استكشاف السياق الأرشيفي والاجتماعي لهذه الرُقَم، وفي نفس الوقت الإبلاغ أيضًا عن اكتشافات حول كيفية تناسقها مع المجموعة الأكبر للنصوص الطبية البابلية المتأخرة. هذا وتم نشر كلا الرقمين الإثنين في الجزء الثاني من البحث . هدف هذا البحث هو التوضيح بأن الرقم التي هي موضوع هذا البحث قد ساهمت الكثير في فهمنا عن كيف تم استخدام الطب كمجال علمي في النصف المتأخر من الألف الأول قبل التاريخ . ويتقدم البحث أكثر ويضع بشكل أكثر شمولاً الأطروحة حول "إضفاء الطابع الشخصي " على المعرفة الطبية، والتي تم طرحها مؤخرًا فقط في الأدبيات العلمية . إضافة الى ذلك يقوم البحث بجمع الأدلة التي تربط إتي مردوخ بالاطو، وهو عضو مهم من عائلة إيجيبي Egibi، الى حرفة كهنة التعويذات (أسيبوتو āšipūtu)؛ حيث ان هذا الشخص يعرف لحد الآن فقط بفضل فعالياته كرجل أعمال .

Type
Research Article
Information
IRAQ , Volume 83 , December 2021 , pp. 183 - 203
Copyright
Copyright © The British Institute for the Study of Iraq 2021

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abraham, K. 2004. Business and Politics Under the Persian Empire: The Financial Dealings of Marduk-nāṣir-apli of the House of Egibi (521487 B.C.E.). Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Abusch, T. and Schwemer, D.. 2011. Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Rituals. Vol. 1. Ancient Magic and Divination 8/1. Leiden / Boston: Brill.10.1163/ej.9789004189133.i-617CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Abusch, T. and Schwemer, D.. 2016. Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-Witchcraft Rituals. Vol. 2. Ancient Magic and Divination 8/2. Leiden / Boston: Brill.10.1163/9789004318557CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Annus, A. and Lenzi, A.. 2010. Ludlul bēl nēmeqi: The Standard Babylonian Poem of the Righteous Sufferer. Introduction, Cuneiform Texts, and Transliteration with a Translation and Glossary. State Archives of Assyria Cuneiform Texts 7. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Attia, A. 2015. “Traduction et commentaires des trois premières tablettes de la série IGI”. Le Journal des Médecines Cunéiformes 25: 1120.Google Scholar
Bácskay, A. 2015. “Magical-medical prescriptions against fever: an edition of BM 42272”. Le Journal des Médecines Cunéiformes 26: 132.Google Scholar
Bácskay, A. 2018a. Therapeutic Prescriptions against Fever in Ancient Mesopotamia. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 447. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Bácskay, A. 2018b. “The 34th Extract of the UGU Series from Babylon: An Edition of the Tablet BM 35512” in Panayotov, S.V. and Vacín, L., eds., Mesopotamian Medicine and Magic: Studies in Honor of Markham J. Geller. Ancient Magic and Divination 14. Leiden / Boston: Brill, pp. 93115.Google Scholar
Brinkman, J. A. 1964. “Merodach-Baladan II” in Biggs, R.D. and Brinkman, J.A., eds., Studies Presented To A. Leo Oppenheim June 7, 1964. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, pp. 653.Google Scholar
Civil, M. 1974. “Medical Commentaries from Nippur”. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 33: 329338.Google ScholarPubMed
Clancier, Ph. 2009. Les bibliothèques en Babylonie dans la deuxième moitié du Ier millénaire av. J.-C. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 363. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Dalley, S. 1994. “Nineveh, Babylon and the Hanging Gardens: Cuneiform and Classical Sources Reconciled.” Iraq 56: 4558.10.1017/S0021088900002801CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Evers, S. M. 1993. “George Smith and the Egibi Tablets.” Iraq 55: 107117.10.2307/4200370CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Finkel, I. L. 1988. “The Hanging Gardens of Babylon” in Clayton, P.A. and Price, M.J., eds., The Seven Wonders of the Ancient World. London / New York: Routledge, pp. 3858.Google Scholar
Finkel, I. L. 2000. “On Late Babylonian Medical Training” in George, A.R. and Finkel, I.L., eds., Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W. G. Lambert. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, pp. 137223.Google Scholar
Finkel, I. L. 2008. “The search for Hanging Gardens” in Finkel, I.L. and Seymour, M.J., eds., Babylon: Myth and Reality. London: The British Museum Press, pp. 109111.Google Scholar
Finkel, I. L. 2018. “Amulets against Fever” in Panayotov, S.V. and Vacín, L., eds., Mesopotamian Medicine and Magic: Studies in Honor of Markham J. Geller. Ancient Magic and Divination 14. Leiden / Boston: Brill, pp. 232271.Google Scholar
Frahm, E. 2019. “Textual Traditions in First Millennium BCE Mesopotamia between Faithful Reproduction, Commentary, and New Creation” in Bührer, W., ed., Schriftgelehrte Fortschreibungs- und Auslegungsprozesse. Textarbeit im Pentateuch, in Qumran, Ägypten und Mesopotamien. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, pp. 1347.Google Scholar
Frazer, M. 2015. “Commentary on Therapeutic (šumma amēlu qablāšu ikkalāšu bulṭu bīt Dābibi 24) (CCP 4.2.B)”. Cuneiform Commentaries Project (E. Frahm, E. Jiménez, M. Frazer, and K. Wagensonner), 2013–2020; accessed October 29, 2020, at https://ccp.yale.edu/P459065. DOI: 10079/8cz8wpc.Google Scholar
Frazer, M. 2017. “Commentary on Therapeutic (Qutāru) (CCP 4.2.M.a)”. Cuneiform Commentaries Project (E. Frahm, E. Jiménez, M. Frazer, and K. Wagensonner), 2013–2020; accessed October 29, 2020, at https://ccp.yale.edu/P296515. DOI: 10079/v41nsdr.Google Scholar
Geller, M. J. 1990. Review article: Catalogue of the Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. Vols. VI-VIII: Tablets from Sippar 1-3. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 53: 121123.10.1017/S0041977X00021315CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Geller, M. J. 2010. Ancient Babylonian Medicine: Theory and Practice. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell.10.1002/9781444319996CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Geller, M. J. 2018. “Library or Archive in Qumran? The View from Mesopotamia”. Henoch 40: 814.Google Scholar
George, A. R. 2016. Mesopotamian Incantations and Related Texts in the Schøyen Collection. Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 32. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Heeßel, N. P. 2000. Babylonisch-assyrische Diagnostik. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 43. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Heeßel, N. P. 2010. “Einleitung zu Struktur und Entwicklung des Corpus der therapeutischen Texte” in Janowski, B. and Schwemer, D., eds., Texte zur Heilkunde. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments Neue Folge 5. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, pp. 3135.Google Scholar
Hunger, H. 1968. Babylonische und assyrische Kolophone. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 2. Kevelaer / Neukirchen-Vluyn: Verlag Butzon & Bercker / Neukirchener Verlag.Google Scholar
Jean, C. 2006. La magie néo-assyrienne en contexte. Recherches sur le métier d'exorciste et le concept d’āšipūtu. State Archives of Assyria Studies 17. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project.Google Scholar
Jiménez, E. 2015. “Commentary on Uncertain (CCP 7.2.u8)”. Cuneiform Commentaries Project (E. Frahm, E. Jiménez, M. Frazer, and K. Wagensonner), 2013–2020; accessed October 29, 2020, at https://ccp.yale.edu/P237396. DOI: 10079/jdfn3b2.Google Scholar
Jursa, M. 1999. Das Archiv des Bēl-rēmanni. Publications de l'Institut historique et archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul 86. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut.Google Scholar
Jursa, M. 2005. Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents: Typology, Contents and Archives. Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record 1. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Jursa, M. 2010. Aspects of the Economic History of Babylonia in the First Millennium BC: Economic Geography, Economic Mentalities, Agriculture, the Use of Money and the Problem of Economic Growth. Veröffentlichungen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Band 4. Alter Orient und Altes Testament 377. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.Google Scholar
Köcher, F. 1978. “Spätbabylonische medizinische Texte aus Uruk” in Habrich, C., Marguth, F. and Wolf, J. H., eds., Medizinische Diagnostik in Geschichte und Gegenwart. Festschrift für Heinz Goerke zum sechzigsten Geburtstag. München: Werner Fritsch, pp. 1739.Google Scholar
Labat, R. 1951. Traité akkadien de diagnostics et pronostics médicaux. Collection de travaux de l'académie internationale d'histoire des sciences 7. Leiden: Brill.Google Scholar
Læssøe, J. 1955. Studies on the Assyrian Ritual and Series bît rimki. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard.Google Scholar
Lambert, W. G. 1957. “Ancestors, Authors, and Canonicity”. Journal of Cuneiform Studies 11: 114.Google Scholar
Leichty, E. 1988. “Guaranteed to Cure” in Leichty, E., de J. Ellis, M. and Gerardi, P., eds., A Scientific Humanist: Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs. Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 9. Philadelphia: The University Museum, pp. 261264.Google Scholar
Maul, S. M. 1994. Zukunftsbewältigung. Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der babylonisch-assyrischen Löserituale (Namburbi). Baghdader Forschungen 18. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern.Google Scholar
Maul, S. M. 2010. “Die Tontafelbibliothek aus dem sogenannten ‘Haus des Beschwörungspriesters’” in Maul, S.M. and Heeßel, N.P., eds., Assur-Forschungen. Arbeiten aus der Forschungsstelle “Edition literarischer Keilschrifttexte aus Assur” der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, pp. 189228.Google Scholar
Nielsen, J. P. 2011. Sons and Descendants: A Social History of Kin Groups and Family Names in the Early Neo-Babylonian Period, 747-626 BC. Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 43. Leiden / Boston: Brill.10.1163/ej.9789004189638.i-336CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Panayotov, S. V. 2018. “Notes on the Assur Medical Catalogue with Comparison to the Nineveh Medical Encyclopaedia” in Steinert, U., ed., Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues: Medicine, Magic and Divination. Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen 9. Boston / Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 89120.Google Scholar
Panayotov, S. V. and Wunsch, C.. 2014. “New Light on George Smith's Purchase of the Egibi Archive in 1876 from the Nachlass Mathewson” in Geller, M.J., ed., Melammu: The Ancient World in an Age of Globalization. Max Planck Research Library for the History and Development of Knowledge Proceedings 7. Berlin: Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, pp. 191215.Google Scholar
Parys, M. 2014. “Édition d'un texte médical thérapeutique retrouvé à Assur (BAM 159)”. Le Journal des Médecines Cunéiformes 23: 188.Google Scholar
Pedersén, O. 1986. Archives and Libraries in the City of Assur: A Survey of the Material from the German Excavations. Part II. Studia Semitica Upsaliensia 8. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell.Google Scholar
Pedersén, O. 1998. Archives and Libraries in the Ancient Near East 1500-300 B.C. Bethesda, Maryland: CDL Press.Google Scholar
Reiner, E. 1958. “The Series Bīt rimki: A Review Article”. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 17: 205207.Google Scholar
Reynolds, F. 2019. A Babylonian Calendar Treatise: Scholars and Invaders in the Late First Millennium BC, Edited with Introduction, Commentary, and Cuneiform Texts. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Robson, E. 2019. Ancient Knowledge Networks: A Social Geography of Cuneiform Scholarship in First-Millennium Assyria and Babylonia. London: UCL Press.Google Scholar
Salin, S. 2016. “Transmission and Interpretation of Therapeutic Texts. Šumma amēlu muhhašu umma ukāl: a Case Study”. Distant Worlds Journal 1: 117131.Google Scholar
Scurlock, J. 2014. Sourcebook for Ancient Mesopotamian Medicine. Writings from the Ancient World 36. Atlanta, Georgia: SBL Press.Google Scholar
Seymour, M. J. 2014. Babylon: Legend, History and the Ancient City. London: I.B. Tauris.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simkó, K. 2015. “The Magical Potential of Stones Used for Cylinder Seals: New Manuscripts of the Text Known from BAM 194 viii’ 9’–14’”. Iraq 77: 203213.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Spar, I. and von Dassow, E.. 2000. Private Archive Texts from the First Millennium B.C. Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art 3. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art.Google Scholar
Stadhouders, H. 2018a. “A posological curiosity: the date stone as a unit of measurement (being an edition of BM 59626; ft. BM 40051, 54914, 59623, 64526)”. Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires 2018/3: 125129 (no. 81).Google Scholar
Stadhouders, H. 2018b. “The Unfortunate Frog: On Animal and Human Bondage in K 2581 and Related Fragments with Excursuses on BM 64526 and YOS XI, 3”. Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 112: 159176.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stadhouders, H. and Johnson, J. C.. 2018. “A Time to Extract and a Time to Compile: The Therapeutic Compendium Tablet BM 78963” in Panayotov, S.V. and Vacín, L., eds., Mesopotamian Medicine and Magic: Studies in Honor of Markham J. Geller. Ancient Magic and Divination 14. Leiden / Boston: Brill, pp. 556622.Google Scholar
Steinert, U. 2015. “‘Tested’ Remedies in Mesopotamian Medical Texts: A Label for Efficacy Based on Empirical Observation?” in Johnson, J.C., ed., In the Wake of the Compendia: Infrastructural Contexts and the Licensing of Empiricism in Ancient and Medieval Mesopotamia. Science, Technology, and Medicine in Ancient Cultures 3. Boston / Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 103145.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Steinert, U. 2018. “Catalogues, Texts and Specialists: Some Thoughts on the Assur Medical Catalogue, Mesopotamian Medical Texts and Healing Professions” in Steinert, U., ed., Assyrian and Babylonian Scholarly Text Catalogues: Medicine, Magic and Divination. Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen 9. Boston / Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 158200.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stol, M. 2003–2005. “Pflanzenkunde. A. Nach schriftlichen Quellen”. Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 10: 503506.Google Scholar
Walker, C. B. F. 1980. “Some Mesopotamian Inscribed Vessels”. Iraq 42: 8486.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wiseman, D. J. 1983. “Mesopotamian Gardens”. Anatolian Studies 33: 137144.10.2307/3642702CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wunsch, C. 1999. “Neubabylonische Urkunden: Die Geschäftsurkunden der Familie Egibi” in Renger, J., ed., Babylon: Focus mesopotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamkeit, Mythos in der Moderne. 2. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 24.-26. März 1998 in Berlin. Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 2. Saarbrücken: SDV, pp. 343364.Google Scholar
Wunsch, C. 2000a. Das Egibi-Archiv I. Die Felder und Gärten. Band I. Cuneiform Monographs 20A. Groningen: STYX.Google Scholar
Wunsch, C. 2000b. “Neubabylonische Geschäftsleute und ihre Beziehungen zu Palast- und Tempelverwaltungen: Das Beispiel der Familie Egibi” in Bongenaar, A.C.V.M., ed., Interdependency of Institutions and Private Entrepreneurs. Proceedings of the Second MOS Symposium (Leiden 1998). Publications de l'Institut historique-archéologique néerlandais de Stamboul 87. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, pp. 95118.Google Scholar
Wunsch, C. 2007. “The Egibi Family” in Leick, G., ed., The Babylonian World. New York / London: Routledge, pp. 236247.Google Scholar
Wunsch, C. 2021. “Summoning People: ašbu Lists from the Egibi Archive” in L.I. Feliu and A. Millet, eds., TBA. Barcino Monographica Orientalia 16. Barcelona: Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, pp. 591–622 (in press).Google Scholar