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The Atlantic Coast of German Trade: German Rural Industry and Trade in the Atlantic, 1680–1840*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 April 2010

Klaus Weber
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Extract

Throughout the last decade a number of rather detailed studies on eighteenth-century Atlantic merchants and merchant colonies in Atlantic port cities has been published. The works ofJacob Price, David Hancock, Jonathan Israel, Olivier Pétré-Grenouilleau, and Manuel Bustos Rodríguez demonstrate the growing historical interest in maritime trade and Atlantic studies. All of these works carry on the investigative traditions of the authors respective countries, represented, for example, by Bernard Bailyn's works on the New England merchants, Pierre and Huguette Chaunu's and Paul Butel's studies on the economies of the Spanish and French Atlantic, and the investigations of Antonio García-Baquero González on the topic of Spanish Atlantic trade. As a pervasive pattern within this field of research it can be observed that, since the foundations had been laid with these classical studies, the focus of historical inquiry has shifted from quantitative investigations (that is, those on the currents of ships, goods, and precious metals) and from studies on the legal frameworks regulating the Atlantic trades to detailed studies of the individuals responsible for this trade. Arising from their countries colonial pasts, it is not surprising that most of these author's works concentrate on the colonial trade of the Western European sea powers, thus neglecting the central and eastern interiors of the continent. In the 1960s and 70s, some German historians, notably Hermann Kellenbenz and Hans Pohl, published studies in this area, but it has lain fallow ever since. The aim of this article is to shed some light on the perspectives that might open up by reconsidering the influence of Atlantic trade on Central Europe in the Early Modern period.

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Itinerario , Volume 26 , Issue 2 , July 2002 , pp. 99 - 119
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Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 2002

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References

Notes

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9 Newman, Karin, Anglo-Hamburg Trade in the Late Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (London PhD thesis 1979) 202.Google Scholar The author concludes: ‘In the eighteenth century more than ninety percent of imported Osnabrig linen was re-exported to the colonies.’ Ibid., 198–199.

10 Schmitz, Edith, Leinengewerbe und Leinenhandel in Nordwestdeutschland (= Schriften zur rhei-nisch-westfalischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte 8) (Cologne 1967) 33, 86, 92.Google Scholar

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14 Staatsarchiv der Freien und Hansestadt Hamburg (SAH), Amiralitātskollegium, 371–372, F6, vol. 18. A great deal of the Hamburg trade was exonerated from customs duties. Nevertheless, the records, essentially covering the commission business, do reflect quite well th e relative shares of the different products in the total of th e Hambur g maritime trade. The volume consulted contains the records of the year 1753. Spot checks have shown that the general tendencies hardly altered durin g these years, unless wars caused significant deviations of the currents of commodities. For further information on this source see Weber, Klaus, ‘Les livres douaniers de l'amirauté de Hambourg au XVIIIe siècle, une source de grande valeur encore inexploitée’, Bulletin du Centre d'Histoire des Espaces Atlantiques, nouvelle série 9 (1999) 93–126.Google Scholar See also Schneider, Jürgen, Krawehl, Otto-Ernst, Denzel, Markus, Statistic des Hamburger seewärtigen Einfuhrhandelsim 18.Jahrhundert (St. Katharinen 2001)Google Scholar.

15 Chamboredon, Robert, ‘Une société de commerce languedocienne à Cadix: Simon et Arnail Fornier et Cie (Nov. 1768 - Mars 1786)’ in: González, Antonio García-Baquero ed., La burguesía de negocios en la Andalutía de la ilustracion II (Cadiz 1991) 35–53, see 35, 49.Google Scholar

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19 Reininghaus, , Iserlohn, 585, table 11; percentages rounded to 0.5.Google Scholar

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21 For example: Archives déartementales de la Gironde (Bordeaux), Archivo histórico provincial de Cádiz, Archivo Foral de Bilbao.

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24 Recent studies on the Dutch and German colonies have shown that they were much more numerous than previously thought. From 1700 to 1800 there have been living some 650 Netherlander, at least 250 of them wholesale merchants. In the same period, there were established 120 German wholesalers at least. Solana, Ana Crespo, Entre Cadiz y los Paises Bajos. Una comunidad mercantil en la ciudad de la ilustración (Cadiz 2001) 327–338.Google ScholarWeber, Klaus, Deutsche Kaufmannsfamilien im atlantischen Manufaktur- und Kolonialwarenhan-del: Netzwerke zwischen Hamburg, Cadiz und Bordeaux (1715–1830)(PhD thesis, Hamburg 2001) 357–361. Similar results might be expected of a more detailed investigation of the Anglo-Irish colonyGoogle Scholar.

25 The source did not include the Prussians with the Germans, but rather listed them with the Scandinavians.

26 Rivera, Julian B. Ruiz, Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Cargadores a Indias (Madrid 1992) 248–250.Google ScholarAntonio Garcia-Baquero Gonzalez: Cádiz y el Atlántico (1717–1778) I (Cadiz 1988) 497–499. These figures have been extracted from official taxation documents. So it may be suggested that the actual profits were significantly higherGoogle Scholar.

27 Archives départementales de la Gironde, C2792 (Rolle de la Capitation de Messieurs les armateurs, assureurs …). The capitation taxed natives and foreigners equally.

28 Weber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 368–375.Google Scholar

29 Voss, Peter, ‘Les raffineurs de Sucre allemands à Bordeaux au XVIIe siècle’ in: Sanchez, Jean-Pierre ed., Dans le sillage de Colomb. L'Europe du Ponanl el la découverte du Nouveau Monde (1450–1650). Actesdu Colloqueinternational Université de Rennes II, 5, 6et 7mat 1992 (Rennes 1995) 237–246.Google ScholarVoss, Peter, Bordeaux et les villes hansealiques, 1672–1715. Contribution a Vhistoire maritime de I'Europe du Nord-Ouest (PhD thesis, Bordeaux 1995)Google Scholar.

30 With the decline of Spain as a hegemonial power, these Frenchmen were to replace the Portuguese Sephardic community in Hamburg. With their excellent relations into the Iberic empires these Jewish merchants had been the city's principal suppliers of colonial goods from the New World. During the seventeenth century, they were well tolerated and respected within the walls of the Lutheran Hanseatic city - probably more respected than the few Catholic residents. By the end of this period, probably as a result of religious intolerance and criticism disguising economic interests, most of the Hamburg Sephardic Jews had left the lower Elbe to settle in Amsterdam, including most wealthy merchants like the Texeira family.

31 Prior to the 1790s, Hamburg customs records give hardly any account of Spanish supplies of the principal plantation product sugar. On the contrary, sugar was sent in smaller quantities from Hamburg to Spain. SAH, Amiralitätskollegium,.371–2, F6, vol. 18 (1753), vol. 20 (1755), vol. 23 (1762), vol. 24 (1763), vol. 25 (1769).

32 Wool and cotton manufacturing, some of which indicated patterns of proto-industrialisation, had developed even in some regions of Colonial Mexico and Peru, but due to the relatively high level of wages in Spanish America and to the restrictions on inter-colonial trade, their products were destined for local and regional markets only. From the early 1800s on, imports of cheap British cotton textile caused a decline of these textile economies. Thomson, Guy, ‘The Cotton Textile Industry in Puebla During the Eighteenth and. Early Nineteenth Centuries’ in: Jacobsen, Nils, Puhle, Hans-Jürgen eds, The Economies of Mexico and Peru During the Late Colonial Period, 1760–1810 (Berlin 1986) 169–202.Google Scholar Brook e Larson, ‘The Cotton Textile Industry of Cochabamba, 1770–1810: The Opportunities and Limits of Growth’ in: Jacobsen, , Puhle, , Economies, 151–168. For a survey seeGoogle ScholarMeiBner, jochen, ‘Zum Problem der Proto-Industrialisierung im kolonialen Hispano-Amerika’ (unpublished manuscript, c. 15 pp.)Google Scholar.

33 Weber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 357–362, see map on 402.Google Scholar

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38 For Cadiz see Schlesinger, , Reisebeschreibung 222–226Google Scholar. For Bilbao see Archivo Foral, Bilbao, Varios, Consulado, Libros (libro Manual de la Avería), sign. CB 220, fol. 31.

39 Walter, Rolf, ‘Träger und Formen des sūdwestdeutschen Wanderhandels in historischer Perspektive’ in: Reininghaused, Wilfried., Wanderhandel inEuropa: Beiträge zur wissenschaft-lichen Tagung in Ibbenbüren, Mettingen, Recke und Hopsten vom 9–11. Oktober 1992 (Hagen 1993) 101–116.Google Scholar See map on markets for Black Forest clocks, 1740–1760, 105.

40 In 1753, Cadiz received some forty-seven pe r cent of Hamburg's duty-paid linen exports t o Spain, while thirty-three per cent were shipped to the Canary islands. SAH, Amiralitāts-kollegium, 371–372, F6, vol. 18 (1753).

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55 It has to be noted that in the eighteenth century, even the Swiss principality Neuchâtel with its cotton manufactures was subject to the King of Prussia. Bohemia and Silesia, too, were situated on the fringes of the Habsburg Empire. When Silesia was conquered and annexed by Frederick the Great in 1742, it was already a flourishing manufacturing region, but even subject to Prussia it enjoyed provincial autonomy until 1806.

56 These external conditions had an impact on the French sugar economy, too. French Huguenot merchant s established in Hamburg imported mainly raw sugar, instead of white sugar already refined in France. They preferred to process it in the Hanseatic port city, where they, too, could take advantage of labour costs that were significantly lower than in the French coastal regions or in Amsterdam. In addition, Hamburg refineries could rely on cheap British coal, whereas cities like Bordeaux and Nantes depended on sulphurous and relatively expensive French variety. According to Hamburg customs records, the Huguenot s heavily dominated Hamburg imports of sugar, indigo, cotton, coffee, and wine. In the 1750s, at least two thirds of the recorded sugar imports were controlled by members of the French community. The figures are subject to the restrictions mentioned in footnote 14. Only during the Seven Years' War, when the sugar from the Caribbean arrived in Hamburg via London, were the Huguenots deprived of this profitable sugar trade; see Weber, , Livres douaniers, 101–104.Google Scholar This raw sugar was handed over to German refiners as credit, and it remained in merchant's possession until it was sold as a finished product; see Christian Lorenz, ‘Zuckerraffination in Deutschland im 18. Jahrhundert. Proceedings of the “Tagung des Irseer Arbeitskeises für vorindustrielle Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, 22.-24.03.2002: Vorindustrielle Produktion und Arbeits-organsisation”, unpublished. Eighteenth-century Hamburg with its hundreds of sugar refineries and its calico industries may be pardy considered as a French-run sweat-shop and as an example for Early Modern globalisation.

57 Fechner, Hermann, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der preuBischen Provinz Schlsien in der Zeit ihrer provinziellm Unabhängigkeit 1741–1806 (Breslau 1907) 208–209, 217–219.Google Scholar

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59 Hancock, David, Citizens of the World. London Merchants and the Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735–1785 (Cambridge 1995). Price, Perry. See alsoGoogle ScholarBaylin, Bernard, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (New York 1964) 81, 100–103. The same is true for the Dutch merchants studied byGoogle ScholarSchnurmann, Claudia, Atlantische Welten: Engländer und Niederländer im amerikanisch-atlantischen Raum 1648–1713 (= Wirtschafts- und Sozialhistorische Studien 9) (Cologne - Weimar - Vienna 1998)Google Scholar.

60 Indeed, concerning the exports that were realised by the Perry family in 1697, Jacob Price stated: ‘The most valuable single category was English woolens […], but for physical volume we cannot but be impressed by the over 30,000 yards of ozenbrigs [linen from Osnabrūck] and other German linens.’ Price, , Perry, 44.Google Scholar The correspondence of the London merchant Joshua Johnson, too, proves the considerable volume of German textiles in British Atlantic trade. Price, Jacob M., Joshua Johnson's Letterbook, 1771–1774. Letters from a Merchant in London to His Partners in Maryland (= London Record Society Publications, Volume XV for the Year 1979) (London 1979) XTV–XV, 31, 173Google Scholar.

61 Weber, , Kaufmannsfamilien, 142–146 (Germans in Cadiz), 178, 188, 193–196 (Germans in Bordeaux); on Bohemians see 133, 135.Google Scholar

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64 Bernecker, , Handelskonquistadoren, 746.Google Scholar