Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-lnqnp Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T05:54:48.566Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Nxele, Ntsikana and the Origins of the Xhosa Religious Reaction

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 January 2009

J. B. Peires
Affiliation:
Rhodes University

Extract

The sudden expulsion of the Xhosa across the Fish River in 1811–12 created a practical and conceptual crisis which the traditional political authorities were unable to resolve. Two commoners, Nxele and Ntsikana, emerged in this vacuum, each proposing his own solution to the problems posed by the white irruption. Although these responses were religious responses, they were neither irrational nor incomprehensible. Xhosa religion had long functioned as an instrument for the control of the material world. By incorporating selected Christian concepts with the Xhosa world-view, Nxele and Ntsikana were able to provide the Xhosa with acceptable explanations of past events and prescriptions for future action.

Nxele urged resistance and Ntsikana preached submission, but an examination of their personal histories shows that these final conclusions were more the product of exterior pressure than interior revelation. It may be suggested that the future reputations of the two men, like their past actions, will be determined more by the popular mood than by anything they themselves did or said.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1979

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 I am indebted to Dr C. C. Saunders for this term. For general background on the Xhosa and the Frontier see Wilson, M. and Thompson, L. M. (eds), The Oxford History of South Africa, I (Oxford, 1969), chs. iii, viGoogle Scholar; Marks, S. and Gray, R. in Gray, R. (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, iii (Cambridge, 1975), 454–8Google Scholar; Peires, J. B., ‘A History of the Xhosa c. 1700–1835’ (M. A. Rhodes University, 1976).Google Scholar

2 Marais, J. S., Maynier and the First Boer Republic (Cape Town, 1944), 56.Google Scholar

3 Campbell, J., Travels in South Africa (3rd ed., London, 1815), 367.Google Scholar

4 Moodie, D., The Record (Cape Town, 18381841Google Scholar; reprinted Cape Town, 1960), v, 48, 51; Cape Archives, C.O. 2566, Cuyler, J. to Colonial Secretary, 9 Dec. 1809..Google Scholar

5 Marais, , Maynier, 108.Google Scholar

6 Cradock-Graham, n.d., Theal, G. M. (ed.), Records of the Cape Colony (London, 18971905), viii, 160.Google Scholar

7 Private communication from Graham, , no addressee, 2 Jan. 1812Google Scholar, Theal, , Records, viii, 237.Google Scholar

8 Lieutenant Colonel Graham's answer to Gaika, n.d., Theal, , Records, xxi, 350.Google Scholar

9 ‘Justus’ (Beverley, R. M.), The Wrongs of the Caffre Nation (London, 1837), 43 n.Google Scholar

10 Graham, J., no addressee, 26 Feb. 1812Google Scholar, Theal, , Records, VIII, 286.Google Scholar

11 Vicars, Cradock–Col., 27 Nov. 1813, reprinted in Report of the Trial Stockenstrom v. Campbell for Libel (2nd ed., Cape Town, 1838), 21.Google Scholar

12 See, for example, Alberti, L., Account of the Xhosa in 1807 (Amsterdam, 1810Google Scholar; English translation, Cape Town, 1968), 8793Google Scholar; Campbell, , pp. 374–5Google Scholar; Lichtenstein, H., Travels in Southern Africa (Berlin, 1811; Eng. trans. reprinted Cape Town, 1928)Google Scholar, I, 341–4.

13 ‘A Native Minister’ (Wauchope, I.), The Natives and their Missionaries (Lovedale, 1908), 34.Google Scholar

14 Ukukafula: see Kropf, A. and Godfrey, R., A Kafir—English Dictionary (Lovedale, 1915), 177Google Scholar. For a description of the ceremony, see Soga, J. H., The South-Eastern Bantu (Johannesburg, 1930), 9091.Google Scholar

15 The fullest accounts of Xhosa religion are Soga, J. H., The Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs (Lovedale, n.d.), chs. viii – xGoogle Scholar, and Kropf, A., Das Volk der Xosa-Kaffern (Berlin, 1889), 186209Google Scholar. Most of the early travellers and missionaries have useful descriptions. See, for example, Alberti, ch. xi; Lichtenstein, , Travels, I, 311–21Google Scholar; Shaw, W., The Story of My Mission (London, 1860), 444–66Google Scholar. Hunter, M., Reaction to Conquest, (London, 1936Google Scholar; 2nd ed. 1961), chs. v–vii, which deals with the culturally very similar Mpondo, and Callaway, H., The Religious System of the AmaZulu (reprinted Cape Town, 1970Google Scholar) should also be read by anybody seriously interested in the subject. The perspective adopted in this section owes much to Horton, R., ‘African traditional thought and Western science’, Africa, xxxvii (1967Google Scholar), and Worsley, P., The Trumpet Shall Sound (2nd ed., London, 1970).Google Scholar

16 Reyburn, H. A., ‘The missionary as rainmaker’, The Critic (Cape Town), (1933Google Scholar); anonymous, undated manuscript (probably by William Shrewsbury), Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society Archives, MS. 15,429, Cory Library, Grahamstown.

17 Interview with Mdandala, 26 Jan. 1910Google Scholar, Kentani. Sir George Cory interviews, Cory Library, Grahamstown.

18 Lewis, I. M., Ecstatic Religion (Harmondsworth, 1971), ch. vii.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19 Alberti, , Account. 93–4Google Scholar; Lichtenstein, , Travels, i, 319.Google Scholar

20 Campbell, , Travels, 366.Google Scholar

21 The best accounts of Nxele are those by ‘A native minister’ (see n. 13); an untitled, undated manuscript by William Kekale Kaye, ‘a Native Interpreter’, No. 172C, Grey Collection, South African Public Library, Cape Town; Döhne, J. L., Das Kafferland und seine Bewohner (Berlin, 1862Google Scholar), which is the basis for Kropf, A., Der Lugenprofeten Kafferlands (Berlin, 1891)Google Scholar; Read, J., ‘Narrative of the journey of Mr Read and others to Caffraria’, Transactions of the London Missionary Society, iv (1818Google Scholar). Other accounts include J. Brownlee, ‘On the origins and rise of the prophet Nxele’, No 172C, Grey Collection, S.A. Public Library, Cape Town; extract from the diary of C. L. Stretch, copied by G. M. Theal, Accession 378c, Cape Archives; and Pringle, T., Narrative of a Residence in South Africa (London, 1835Google Scholar; reprinted Cape Town, 1966).

22 Döhne, , Kafferland, 59.Google Scholar

23 Kaye MS, ‘Camagu’ means ‘Forgive and be pacified’, and is usually addressed to an ancestor or a diviner.

24 Nxele subsequently told the missionary James Read that ‘a large fire was presented before him, and that there were persons who had got hold of him to throw him into it, but that Taay came and delivered him’ (Read, ‘Narrative’, 284).Google Scholar

25 Pringle, , Narrative, 279.Google Scholar

26 We are indebted to Read's account for our knowledge of Nxele's early beliefs.

27 The most satisfactory account of how Nxele extricated himself from this difficulty is in Shaw, W., Journal of William Shaw (Cape Town, 1972), 103.Google Scholar‘ Makanna ordered them all to enter the water and wash, with which the people complied, but as they entered the water en masse they could not refrain from bellowing forth the usual war yell. Makanna now informed them they ought not to have done so, and since they had thought proper to follow their own headstrong will, and not listened to his directions, all was now over, and every man might return to his own home.’

28 There is something of a problem in establishing the chronology of Nxele's actions and attitudes, as most accounts of Nxele were written after his death, and none of them traces the changes in his behaviour. The very exact account left by Read of Nxele's Christian phase enables us to infer such changes.

29 For a fuller account of these events, see J. B. Peires, ‘Ngqika’ in C. C. Saunders (ed), Black Leaders in Nineteenth Century South Africa (London, forthcoming).

30 Pringle, , Narrative, 286.Google Scholar

31 ‘A Native Minister’ (as cited in n. 13), 34Google Scholar. Wauchope's evidence may be regarded as particularly interesting. His grandfather fought on the Ndlambe side at Amalinde and he knew several of Nxele's descendants.

32 There are very few contemporary European references to Ntsikana, and these are very brief. Rose, C., Four Years in Southern Africa (London, 1829), 135–7,Google Scholar is a typical example. Fortunately, there are several detailed accounts in Xhosa. Bokwe's, J. K.hagiographical Ntsikana (Lovedale, 1914Google Scholar), the only substantial description in English, purports to be a distillation of these, but he omits occurrences detrimental to Ntsikana's image. See note 35 below. The Xhosa accounts by W. K. Ntsikana (Ntsikana's son), M. N. Balfour (one of his converts) and Zaze Soga, which appeared in various nineteenth-century missionary publications, have been reprinted in Bennie, W. G. (ed.), Imibengo (Lovedale, 1935Google Scholar). Kaye, MS (cited in n. 21), contributes a valuable secular viewpoint.

33 ‘Ntsikana rose up from his bed, and went to the door, and just as he came out, the ox walked on towards the gate of the kraal. Ntsikana followed and as he himself reached the gate, Hulushe (the ox) … was already standing looking at him, as if wondering and in sorrow … Ntsikana approached and, stretching forward his arms, Hulushe bent his neck. For a while Ntsikana leaned his body with outstretched arms between the horns and on the neck of the favourite ox.’ Bokwe, , Ntsikana, 29.Google Scholar

34 ‘Le nto indingeneyo, ithi makuthandazwe, makuguqe yonke into.’ Ntsikana in Bennie, , Imibengo, 10Google Scholar. The crucial verb here is ‘-guqa’, ‘To stoop, bend on or upon; to bend the knee, to kneel down’ (Kropf and Godfrey, Kafir–English Dictionary, 137).

35 This absolutely critical stage in Ntsikana's development is ignored by Bokwe, , although he reprints Zaze Soga's Xhosa account, which mentions it (p. 53Google Scholar). There is also a reference to Ntsikana's rejection by Ndlambe in Falati, N., ‘The Story of Ntsikana’, MS. 9063, Cory Library, Grahamstown, dated St Marks, 1895.Google Scholar

36 Bokwe, , Ntsikana, 12Google Scholar. I prefer my own translation.

37 Kaye MS.

38 Bowke, , Ntsikana, 15.Google Scholar

39 Kaye MS.

40 The official version from which this is taken is printed in Bokwe, Ntsikana, 26Google Scholar. I prefer my own translation. The earliest printed version of this hymn is in Rose, , Four Years, 136–7Google Scholar. It is noteworthy that the specifically Christian lines of the official version do not appear in Rose's rendering, and are attributed (in another context) by Wauchope (whose grandmother was converted by missionary Van der Kemp) to der Kemp, Van. ‘A native minister’, 21.Google Scholar

41 Bokwe, , Ntsikana, 20.Google Scholar

42 Wilson, B., Magic and the Millennium (St Albans, 1975), 236–7.Google Scholar