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HUNTING REPUTATIONS: TALENT, INDIVIDUALS, AND COMMUNITY IN PRECOLONIAL SOUTH CENTRAL AFRICA*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 January 2013

KATHRYN M. DE LUNA*
Affiliation:
Rice University

Abstract

The familiar mystique of African hunters was not a foregone conclusion to the practitioners, dependents, and leaders who created it. Late in the first millennium, Botatwe farmers’ successful adoption of cereals and limited cattle sustained the transformation of hunting from a generalist's labor into a path to distinction. Throughout the second millennium, the basis of hunters’ renown diversified as trade intensified, new political traditions emerged, and, eventually, the caravan trade and mfecane ravaged established communities. The story of Botatwe hunters reveals a longue durée history of local notables and the durability of affective, social dimensions of recognition in the face of changes in the material, political, and technological basis sustaining such status.

Type
Politics of Hunting and Raiding
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2012

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Footnotes

*

Earlier versions of this article were presented at the New England Workshop on Southern Africa and the NU-UW History Workshop in 2008; I appreciate the participants’ helpful discussion at both events. I thank Jane Guyer, David Schoenbrun, Elizabeth Colson, colleagues at Rice University and Southern Connecticut State University, and the anonymous reviewers of this journal for their insightful suggestions on various drafts. Research for this project was funded by Fulbright-Hays (P022A050054) and generously supported by the Universities of Botswana, Namibia, and Zambia.

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18 Ehret, African Classical; de Luna, ‘Classifying’; Saidi, Women's.

19 This modest Proto-Greater Eastern Botatwe investment in cattle-keeping contrasts with the intensive pastoralism associated with the seventeenth century. Linguistic and archaeological evidence for the history of regional pastoralism is discussed in de Luna, ‘Surveying’; Derricourt, R. M., Man on the Kafue: The Archaeology and History of the Itezhitezhi Area of Zambia (New York, 1985)Google Scholar; Ehret, African Classical, 212, 225, 235, 242, and 271–3; Fagan, B. M., Iron Age Cultures in Zambia, Volume I: Kalomo and Kangila (London, 1967)Google Scholar; Fagan, B. M., ‘Gundu and Ndonde, Basanga and Mwanamaimpa’, Azania, 13:1 (1978), 127–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fagan, B. M. and Phillipson, D. W., ‘Sebanzi: the iron age sequence at Lochinvar, and the Tonga’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, 95:2 (1965), 253–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Fagan, B. M., Phillipson, D. W., and Daniels, S. G. H., Iron Age Cultures in Zambia, Volume II: Dambwa, Ingombe Ilede, and the Tonga (London, 1969)Google Scholar.

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21 This shift also occurred in the Zambezi and Mulungushi valleys: see Robertson, ‘Iron age’; Vansina, ‘Slow revolution’; and Vogel, Kumadzulo.

22 Sound changes (*d > /l/ and *p > Ø) and distribution support reconstruction to Proto-Central Eastern Botatwe. Vowel lengthening is a common feature of Bantu languages in the context of a glide created through the fusion of two vowels across morphemic boundaries. Here, the vowel of the noun class prefix mu- and the initial vowel of the root itself fuse after the loss of /p/ to produce the extant Botatwe form, mwaalu.

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24 J. Nash, Ruwund Vocabularies, Occasional Papers Series, no. 3 (Urbana-Champaign, IL, 1991), 47. See also ‘Seduction’, 487–9; R. J. Papstein, ‘The upper Zambezi: a history of the Luvale people, 1000–1900’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1978), 70–1.

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27 T. C. Schadeberg, ‘Derivation’, in D. Nurse and G. Philippson (eds.), The Bantu Languages (London, 2003), 77 and 85; T. C. Schadeberg, ‘Die extensive extension im Bantu’, in T. Geider and R. Kastenholz (eds.), Sprachen und Sprachzeugnisse in Afrika: Eine Sammlung Philologischer Beiträge, Wilhelm J. G. Möhlig zum 60. Geburtstag Zugeeignet (Köln, 1994), 357–66. In Botatwe grammars, the suffix is –aula, which suggests that *-pàd is borrowed, though vowel assimilation can account for /a/ > /u/. See Carter, H., An Outline of Chitonga Grammar (Lusaka, Zambia, 2002), 50Google Scholar; Madan, A. C., Lenje Handbook: A Short Introduction to the Lenje Dialect Spoken in North-West Rhodesia (Oxford, 1908), 48Google Scholar; Smith, E. W., A Handbook of the Ila Language, (Commonly Called the Seshukulumbwle), Spoken in North-Western Rhodeisa, South-Central Africa, Comprising Grammar, Exercises, Specimens of Ila Tales, and Vocabularies (Farnborough, Hampshire, 1964 [orig. pub. 1907])Google Scholar, 131–2.

28 The antiquity of this meaning for the extensive affix is uncertain in Botatwe due to the paucity of descriptive grammars, but it does exist in each of the three best documented Central Eastern Botatwe languages (ChiTonga, Ila, and Lenje) and is widely documented in southern Bantu languages. Carter, Outline; Madan, Lenje; Smith, Handbook.

29 Smith, Handbook, 131–2.

30 Schadeburg, ‘Derivation’, 81.

31 Tonga speakers also use bwaalu to refer to a communal hunt in an explicit link to *-pàd's huntsmanship. Scudder, Ecology, 195; B. Siamwiza, ‘Famine and hunger in the history of the Gwembe Valley, Zambia, c. 1850–1958’, in Lancaster and Vickery, Tonga-Speaking, 251.

32 As Fielder notes, ‘the Ila themselves describe a man's economic struggle, his seeking for wealth and power, as his buwezhi, his hunting (kuweza – to hunt, pursue).’. Fielder, R. J., ‘Economic spheres in pre-colonial Ila society’, African Social Research, 28 (1979), 624Google Scholar.

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36 The next three paragraphs draw on de Luna, ‘Surveying’; Derricourt, Man, 208–15; Fagan, Iron Age, Volume I, 70-82; Fagan, Phillipson, and Daniels, Iron Age, Volume II.

37 In addition to citations in fn. 36: J. Denbow, ‘Material culture and the dialectics of identity in the Kalahari: AD 700–1700’ in McIntosh, Beyond Chiefdoms, 110–23; de Maret, P., Fouilles Archéologiques dans la Vallée du Haut-Lualaba, (Tervuren, Belgium, 1985)Google Scholar; Fagan, B. M., ‘Early trade and raw materials in south central Africa’, Journal of African History, 10:1 (1969), 113CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Lanfranchi, R. and Clist, B. (eds.), Aux Origines de l'Afrique Centrale (Libreville, 1991)Google Scholar.

38 Hoover, ‘Seduction’. See also footnotes 3–6.

39 This stands in stark contrast to sons’ rigid, ritualized capture of hunting prowess from fathers described for the Lunda-Ndembu. Turner, Forest, ch. 8.

40 For the Botatwe region, this development is best documented among Tonga speakers in the Valley. Matthews, ‘Portuguese’.

41 Bisa members of the Bafundi elephant-hunting guild of Bembaland were cut off from Kazembe's trade around 1830 and sought new hunting lands in the south. They were joined by Chikunda hunters based around Zumbo from the 1850s. Isaacman and Isaacman, Slavery, 87–110 and 236–42; Marks, Large Mammals, 61–4 and 72; Roberts, A., A History of Zambia (New York, 1976), 120–6Google Scholar.

42 Isaacman and Isaacman, Slavery.

43 C. Ehret, ‘Subclassifying Bantu: the evidence of stem morpheme innovations’, in J.-M. Hombert and Larry Hyman (eds.), Bantu Historical Linguistics: Theoretical and Empirical Perspectives (Stanford, 1999), 136.

44 Indeed, it is striking that neither Ila nor Plateau Tonga attest regional words for professional ivory hunters, like nkombalume and sinyàngá.

45 On the Batoka Plateau, Tonga and Ila speakers change the noun class of the root to talk about an ‘unhonored’ elder with the term caalu. Torrend, J., An English-Vernacular Dictionary of the Bantu-Botatwe Dialects of Northern Rhodesia (Natal, 1931), 180Google Scholar; Fowler, D. G., A Dictionary of Ila Usage: 1860–1960 (Hamburg, 2000), 499Google Scholar.

46 Matthews, ‘Portuguese’.

47 On friendship in late precolonial trade networks of west central Africa, see von Oppen, A., Terms of Trade and Terms of Trust: The History and Contexts of Pre-colonial Market Production around the Upper Zambezi and Kasai (Münster, 1993)Google Scholar. On friendship as an economic and social coping system in more recent times, see Pritchett, J. A., Friends for Life, Friends for Death: Cohorts and Consciousness among the Lunda-Ndembu (Charlottesville, VA, 2007)Google Scholar.

48 Fowler, D. G., The Ila Speaking: Records of a Lost World (Münster, 2002), 59Google Scholar.

49 Though traders from Sena, Tete, and, later, from the cycles of settlement at Zumbo sporadically visited the fringes of the eastern Botatwe zone from the close of the seventeenth century onward, the settlement of some Tonga in these towns in the first half of the nineteenth century and the reopening of Zumbo in 1862 intensified slaving in the Gwembe Valley, Plateau, and Middle Kafue communities. Isaacman and Isaacman, Slavery; Matthews, ‘Portuguese’; Roberts, History.

50 Glassman, J., Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856–1888 (Portsmouth, NH, 1995)Google Scholar; Hanson, Landed Obligation; Wright, M., Strategies of Slaves and Women: Life Stories from East/Central Africa (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.

51 Livingstone, D., Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa; Including a Sketch of Sixteen Years’ Residence in the Interior of Africa, and a Journey from the Cape of Good Hope to Loanda on the West Coast, thence Across the Continent, Down the River Zambesi, to the Eastern Ocean (New York, 1876 [orig. pub. 1858]), 565Google Scholar.

52 Consider the reports of Shialozhi, Kabocha, Nanshiku, and Nabwantu in Smith and Dale, Ila-Speaking, 400–7. To the east of the Botatwe zone, claims to kinship were strategies to both demand protection and to facilitate and justify the sale of vulnerable people: see Wright, Strategies. To the west, nineteenth-century sources describe maternal uncles’ sale of their nieces and nephews on the Upper Zambezi, as cited in von Oppen, Terms, 279.

53 Fell, Folk Tales, 174–5; Jacottet, É., Études sur les langues du Haut-Zambèze: Troisième partie: Textes Louyi (Paris, 1901), 40–4Google Scholar; Torrend, J., ‘Contes en Chwabo ou Langue de Quelimane’, Zeitschrift für afrikanische und Oceanische Sprachen, 1:3 (1895), 243–9Google Scholar; Torrend, J., Specimens of Bantu Folk-Lore from Northern Rhodesia (London, 1921), 183–7Google Scholar.

54 Consider the narratives of Nanshiku and Nabwantu in Smith and Dale, Ila-Speaking, 401–2 and 404–5.

55 Smith and Dale highlight the role of friends in mitigating the threat of enslavement and recognize friendlessness as a status of social vulnerability in early twentieth-century Ila-land: see Ila-Speaking, 401, 405, and 407.

56 McGregor recognizes the same pattern of Kololo ridicule of Botatwe speakers living along the middle Zambezi through a careful reading of Kololo influence on Livingstone's perceptions of the Tonga, Leya, and Toka communities. McGregor, J., Crossing the Zambezi: The Politics of Landscape on a Central African Frontier (Oxford, 2009), 4257Google Scholar.

57 Jalla, A., Silozi-English Dictionary, (3rd edn, Lusaka, 1982), 85Google Scholar.

58 Ibid. 372.

59 Jalla claims this term derives from –alula, ‘to divide’, but this would require the loss of an entire syllable! The agentive he identifies, mwaluli, ‘someone who perplexes, embarrassed’ does, however, derive from kualula. Ibid. 290.

60 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 8909 and 8982; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 609.

61 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 1523 and 1525; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 508 and 511; Ehret, African Classical, 307; Ehret, ‘Subclassifying’, 66; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 903y and 904.

62 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 7874; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 610.

63 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 3108 and 3109; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 611; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 1867.

64 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 2726–30; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 616; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 1642–4.

65 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 618.

66 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 8930; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 617; Ehret, ‘Subclassifying’, 96; Ehret, C., ‘The establishment of iron-working in Eastern, Central, and Southern Africa: linguistic inferences on technological history’, Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 16/17 (2000), 153Google Scholar.

67 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 432.

68 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 1523; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 434; Ehret, African Classical, 313; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 903y.

69 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 431; Ehret, African Classical, 300; C. Ehret, ‘Subclassifying’, 66.

70 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 5807 and 6130; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 621; Vansina, ‘Pygmies’; Vansina, Paths, 287.

71 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 2387–9; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 622; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 1433, 1433a, and 1434.

72 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 9139; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 623.

73 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 824; Hannan, M., Standard Shona Dictionary, (2nd edn, Salisbury, 1974), 71 and 278Google Scholar; White Fathers, Bemba, 540.

74 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 827; Ehret, ‘Subclassifying’,136.

75 Bastin and Schadeberg, ‘BLR-3’, RN 3147; de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 814; Guthrie, Comparative, CS 1890.

76 de Luna, ‘Collecting’, RN 815 and 585–6.