Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 May 2012
Giant is a sprawling narrative, centered around the Benedict family, Texas cattle ranchers, and Jett Rink, a nouveau riche oilman. Originally serialized in Ladies' Home Journal in 1952, subsequently published as a novel, then adapted into George Stevens's 1956 film starring James Dean, Rock Hudson, and Elizabeth Taylor, Giant is a text that dramatizes the domestication and naturalization of the oil industry in the postwar United States while endorsing a multiracial vision of Texas. This essay explores how Giant ultimately arrives at nationalistic pluralism after representing the radical changes brought about by the modern oil industry in the US, particularly the erosion of traditional class divisions as Jett Rink's oil wealth exceeds the Benedict's ranching wealth. The subsumption of oil into liberal pluralism marks what this essay names “fossil-fuel futurity,” an ideological configuration in which normative life is produced through the commodities and modes of transportation made available by fossil-fuel culture. The essay then puts Giant into a broader context of narratives about oil in the postwar US, especially the television series Dallas (1978–91) and the film There Will Be Blood (2007). In all three texts, oil culture becomes postwar US culture, saturating aesthetic, affective, and family relations. The challenge for us, then, is to imagine a mode of futurity that does not replicate the ideological valences of “fossil-fuel futurity.”
1 Bass, Rick, Oil Notes (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1995; first published 1989), 2Google Scholar.
2 See Imre Szeman, “Oil Futures,” in John Knechtel, ed., Fuel (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009), 18–35; and idem, “System Failure: Oil, Futurity, and the Anticipation of Disaster,” South Atlantic Quarterly, 106, 4 (Fall 2007), 805–23.
3 See Buell, Lawrence, Writing for an Endangered World: Literature, Culture, and Environment in the U.S. and Beyond (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
4 For accounts of the postwar boom in US oil consumption and the 1979 oil crisis see Yergin, Daniel, The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money, and Power (New York: Free Press, 2009; first published 1990), 391–412, 523–42, 656–725Google Scholar. For an account of the Iraq War see Maass, Peter, Crude World: The Violent Twilight of Oil (New York: Knopf, 2009), 136–64Google Scholar.
5 Nichols, Lewis, “Talk with Edna Ferber,” New York Times Book Review, 5 Oct. 1952, 30Google Scholar.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 Berlant, Lauren, The Female Complaint: The Unfinished Business of Sentimentality in American Culture (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2008), 69CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
9 For analyses of the automobile and the interstate highway system in the postwar US see Flink, James J., The Automobile Age (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1988), 358–376Google Scholar; Seiler, Cotton, Republic of Drivers: A Cultural History of Automobility in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), 69–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Volti, Rudi, Cars and Culture: The Life Story of a Technology (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006; first published 2004), 104–13Google Scholar.
10 Ferber, Edna, Giant (New York: Perennial, 2000; first published 1952), 29Google Scholar.
11 Ibid., 31.
12 Ibid., 7.
13 Ibid., 21.
14 For readings of Giant's racial politics see Bebout, Lee, “Troubling White Benevolence: Four Takes on a Scene from Giant,” MELUS, 36, 3 (Fall 2011), 13–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar; June Hendler, Best-Sellers and Their Film Adaptations in Postwar America: From Here to Eternity, Sayonara, Giant, Aunt Mame, Peyton Place (New York: Peter Lang, 2001), 115–52; and Pérez-Torres, Rafael, “Chicano Ethnicity, Cultural Hybridity, and the Mestizo Voice,” American Literature, 70, 1 (March 1998), 153–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 Pérez-Torres, 158.
16 Giant (1956), Warner Brothers DVD, 2003.
17 Lott, Eric, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 25Google Scholar.
18 Ferber, 35. In a chapter on the Texas oil industry, the journalist and labor activist Harvey O'Connor notes the function that books like Giant had on the oilmen after which Jett Rink was modeled: “The lives of these men range from the uncouth to the gaudy; perhaps none has reveled more in the public eye than Glenn McCarthy whose opening in 1949 of the Shamrock Hotel in Houston set new records in slapstick lavishness. The postwar era of the Texas oil millionaires has been described in many a novel splashed with the adjective ‘fabulous,’ and none more observing probably than Edna Ferber's Giant. But these people enjoy everything – even seeing their lives portrayed in novels which leave nothing to the imagination.” See O'Connor, Harvey, The Empire of Oil (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1962; first published 1955), 204Google Scholar.
19 Ferber, 350. The ideological function of “fossil-fuel futurity” is evident here since oil production and consumption grow rapidly in this era, while Giant's Bob Dietz views large-scale industry as obsolete rather than emergent. As Daniel Yergin notes, between 1948 and 1972 “the numbers – oil production, reserves, consumption – all pointed to one thing: Bigger and bigger scale. In every aspect, the oil industry became elephantine.” Yergin, The Prize, 524.
20 Ferber, 1.
21 Ibid., 1–2.
22 Ibid., 17.
23 Ibid., 22.
24 Ibid., 366–67.
25 Ibid., 378.
26 Ibid., 378–79.
27 Ibid., 350.
28 Ibid., 350.
29 For an account of the family's priority in Cold War America, and especially how that vision of the family changed normative masculinity, see Gilbert, James, Men in the Middle: Searching for Masculinity in the 1950s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 106–63Google Scholar.
30 Jameson, Fredric, The Seeds of Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 27Google Scholar.
31 Ross, Kristin, Fast Cars, Clean Bodies: Decolonization and the Reordering of French Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1995), 38Google Scholar.
32 Ferber, 401–02.
33 Ibid., 402.
34 For a reading of an earlier novel written by Edna Ferber, her 1931 American Beauty, that emphasizes how Ferber strives both to retain the power of, and to reimagine, the family and its role in the nation see Edmunds, Susan, Grotesque Relations: Modernist Domestic Fiction and the U.S. Welfare State (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 95–122Google Scholar.
35 In his account of “The Oil Ecofilm,” for example, John Shelton Lawrence mentions only three films: Tulsa (1949), Giant, and On Deadly Ground (1994). See John Shelton Lawrence, “Western Ecological Films: The Subgenre with No Name,” in Deborah A. Carmichael, ed., The Landscape of Hollywood Westerns (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2006), 34–36. For a reading of Tulsa see Peter C. Rollins, “Tulsa (1949) as an Oil-Field Film: A Study in Ecological Ambivalence,” in ibid., 81–93. For an account of the concept “vanishing mediator,” see Fredric Jameson, “The Vanishing Mediator; or, Max Weber as Storyteller,” in idem, The Ideologies of Theory: Essays, 1971–1986, Volume II, The Syntax of History (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 3–34.
36 Ghosh, Amitav, “Petrofiction: The Oil Encounter and the Novel,” New Republic, 206, 9 (2 March 1992), 29Google Scholar.
37 For a comparison of Dallas with The Godfather, based on how both represent the family as inextricably bound to business, see Mander, Mary S., “Dallas: The Mythology of Crime and the Moral Occult,” Journal of Popular Culture, 17, 2 (Fall 1983), 44–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Dallas was immensely popular in the US and Europe. For a reception study of Dallas in the Netherlands see Ang, Ien, Watching Dallas: Soap Opera and the Melodramatic Imagination, trans. Della Couling (New York: Routledge, 1989; first published 1985)Google Scholar. For a reading of Dallas in relation to the city of Dallas, Texas, and especially the television show's relationship with Dallas as the site of the Kennedy assassination, see Graff, Harvey J., The Dallas Myth: The Making and Unmaking of an American City (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008), 13–17Google Scholar.
38 The miniseries is collected as Season One in Dallas: The Complete First and Second Seasons (1978–1979), Warner Brothers DVD, 2004.
39 The cliffhanger episode that concludes with J. R. being shot is “A House Divided,” Dallas: The Complete Third Season (1979–1980), Warner Brothers DVD, 2005.
40 Tied to the Iranian revolution's effects on oil production and compounded by the Three Mile Island meltdown and the Iran hostage crisis, the 1979 oil crisis led to increasing concerns about dependency on “foreign oil” in the United States and the question of US global dominance. See Yergin, The Prize, 657–96.
41 The episodes are “No More Mister Nice Guy Part I,” “No More Mister Nice Guy Part II,” “Nightmare,” and “Who Done It?”. These episodes are collected in Dallas: The Complete Fourth Season (1980–1981), Warner Brothers DVD, 2006.
42 The rise in the divorce rate is often attributed to the unilateral and no-fault divorce laws passed in all but two states in the US between 1970 and 1983. For readings of the divorce rate and the debates about the cause of its rise in the late twentieth century see Leora Freidberg, “Did Unilateral Divorce Raise Divorce Rates? Evidence from Panel Data,” American Economic Review, 88, 3 (June 1998), 608–27; and Wolfers, Justin, “Did Unilateral Divorce Raise Divorce Rates? A Reconciliation and New Results,” American Economic Review, 96, 5 (Dec. 2006), 1802–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
43 Cott, Nancy, Public Vows: A History of Marriage and the Nation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000), 203Google Scholar.
44 This critique was most popularly articulated in Friedan, Betty, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Norton, 1963)Google ScholarPubMed.
45 “Barbecue,” Dallas: The Complete First and Second Seasons.
46 Hitchcock, Peter, “Oil in an American Imaginary,” New Formations 69 (Spring 2010), 81–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
47 Mattson, Kevin, Upton Sinclair and the Other American Century (Hoboken: Wiley & Sons, 2006), 141Google Scholar.
48 For a reading of There Will Be Blood's connections to free market economics see Clune, Michael W., American Literature and the Free Market, 1945–2000 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 27–52Google Scholar. For a psychoanalytic reading of There Will Be Blood and Paul Thomas Anderson's other films see Murphet, Julian, “P. T. Anderson's Dilemma: The Limits of Surrogate Paternity,” Sydney Studies in English, 34 (2008), 63–85Google Scholar.
49 Hitchcock, 96.
50 There Will Be Blood (2007), Paramount DVD, 2008.
51 For a history of oil in California, of which Upton Sinclar had first-hand knowledge, see Sabin, Paul, Crude Politics: The California Oil Market, 1900–1940 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005)Google Scholar.
52 The trope of the devilish oilman goes back, at least, to Ida M. Tarbell's The History of the Standard Oil Company, which focusses on the business practices and personal character of John D. Rockefeller. Tarbell's History was originally serialized in McClure's Magazine from 1902 to 1904 and published as a two-volume book in 1904. See Ida M. Tarbell, The History of the Standard Oil Company, briefer version, ed. David M. Chalmers (Mineola: Dover, 2003; first published 1966). For historical accounts of oilmen that take into account this mode of representation see Olien, Roger M. and Olien, Diana Davids, Oil and Ideology: The Cultural Creation of the American Petroleum Industry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Olien, Roger M. and Hinton, Diana Davids, Wildcatters: Texas Independent Oilmen (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2007; first published 1984)Google Scholar; and Black, Brian, Petrolia: The Landscape of America's First Oil Boom (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000), 1–12Google Scholar.
53 This reflects the 2003 Iraq War, and especially the Bush Administration's unclear motives for invasion. As Peter Maass notes, “America's desires were so influenced by Iraq's inebriating crude that Washington could not think straight about the reasons for invading [Iraq].” “Neither [Vice President Dick] Cheney's motives nor the motives of the administration he served can be distilled into one word. WMD, democracy, religion, Oedipus, oil – America was like a drunk fumbling with a set of keys at night.” See Maass, 159, 161. For a psychoanalytic reading of the Iraq War, the Bush Administration's conflicting reasons for invasion, and the war's ideological stakes see Žižek, Slavoj, Iraq: The Borrowed Kettle (New York: Verso, 2004)Google Scholar.
54 John King, “Bush calls Saddam ‘the guy who tried to kill my dad,’” CNN.com, 27 Sept. 2002, available at http://edition.cnn.com/2002/ALLPOLITICS/09/27/bush.war.talk, accessed 6 Sept. 2011.