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Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 January 2014

Extract

The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.

Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © North American Conference of British Studies 1989

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References

1 For a recent treatment of many of these explanations, see Kirk, Neville, The Growth of Working Class Reformism in Mid-Victorian Britain (London, 1985)Google Scholar. Also useful is Tholfsen, Trygve R., Working Class Radicalism in Mid-Victorian England (London, 1976)Google Scholar, though Mazzini is mentioned only briefly here (pp. 153–54) and Kossuth not at all. Older works on the period are surprisingly uninformative, e.g., Gillespie, Frances, Labor and Politics in England: 1850–1867 (Durham, N.C., 1927)Google Scholar. This article details arguments sketched briefly in Claeys, Gregory, Citizens and Saints: Politics and Anti-Politics in Early British Socialism (Cambridge, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 8.

2 Weisser's, Henry detailed British Working Class Movements and Europe, 1815–1848 (Manchester, 1975)Google Scholar is good on internationalism in the preceding period. Porter's, Bernard extremely useful The Refugee Question in Mid-Victorian Politics (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar is the best general work in the area, though it does not concentrate on relations between the refugees and domestic radicalism. Also generally helpful is Gossman, Norbert, “British Aid to Polish, Italian and Hungarian Exiles 1830–1870,” South Atlantic Quarterly 68 (19681969): 231–45Google Scholar. On Garibaldi, see Trevelyan, G. M., Garibaldi and the Thousand (New York, 1909)Google Scholar; and most recently, Gilley, Sheridan, “The Garibaldi Riots of 1864,” Historical Journal 16 (1973): 697732CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some elements of the German radical emigration are detailed in Ashton, Rosemary, Little Germany: Exile and Asylum in Victorian England (Oxford, 1986)Google Scholar. More concerned with the ideological consequences of exile is Christine Lattek's forthcoming study, “German Socialist Exiles in London, 1840–1864” (typescript). One segment of this work, concerned with the central theme here, the relations between democratic and socialist exiles, has been published as Die Emigration der deutschen Achtundvierziger in England: Eine Reine ‘School of Scandal and Meanness’?” in Grossbritannien als Gast- und Exilland für Deutsche im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Niedhart, Gottfried (Bochum, 1985), pp. 2247Google Scholar.

3 Maccoby, Simon, English Radicalism, 1853–1886 (London, 1938), p. 33Google Scholar; dated but still helpful, however, is Ivanyi's, B. G.The Working Classes of Britain and Eastern European Revolutions (1848)” (Slavonic and East European Review 26 [1947]: 107–25)Google Scholar, which concentrates, however, on shifting definitions of internationalism in this period.

4 A general account of the revolutions is Robertson, Priscilla, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (New York, 1960)Google Scholar. On British radicalism at this point see esp. Weisser, Henry, April 10: Challenge and Response in England in 1848 (London, 1983)Google Scholar; and Saville, John, 1848: The British State and the Chartist Movement (Cambridge, 1987)Google Scholar.

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9 See Eyck, F. Gunther, “Mazzini's Young Europe,” Journal of Central European Affairs 17 (19571958): 356–77Google Scholar. Biographies include Hinckley, Edyth, Mazzini: The Story of a Great Italian (1924; reprint, London, 1970)Google Scholar; and King's, Bolton older The Life of Mazzini (London, 1912)Google Scholar. Also useful on the earlier period is Wicks, Margaret C., The Italian Exiles in London, 1816–1848 (Manchester, 1937)Google Scholar; Morelli, Emilia, L'Inghilterra di Mazzini (Rome, 1965)Google Scholar; and Rudman, Harry William, Italian Nationalism and English Letters (New York, 1940)Google Scholar. A good recent study of the Italian revolutionary background is Lovett, Clara, The Democratic Movement in Italy, 1830–1876 (Cambridge, Mass., 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Mazzini's political thought has also been the subject of various studies. A useful survey is Vaughan, C. E., Studies in the History of Political Philosophy (Manchester, 1925), 2:251323)Google Scholar.

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12 Leader, no. 99 (February 14, 1852), p. 146Google Scholar. The founding of the organization is discussed in much of the correspondence edited by Hoeing, Frederick as “Letters of Mazzini to W. J. Linton,” Journal of Modern History 5 (1933): 5568CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Newcastle Public Library, Cowen Collection, item A332.

14 Ledru-Rollin's role in the new organization is discussed in Calman, Alvin R., Ledru-Rollin après 1848 et les proscrits Francais en Angleterre (Paris, 1921), pp. 93104Google Scholar. Ledru-Rollin was quoted as saying “Je hais le communisme … et, à cette epoche, il se confondait avec le socialisme” (p. 10)Google Scholar. One of the first examples of CEDC propaganda was given in the Leader, no. 29 (October 12, 1850), pp. 679–80Google Scholar. A somewhat unreliable account of its origins is given in Bourgin, Georges, “Mazzini et le Comité Central Démocratique en 1851,” Il risorgimento Italiano 6 (1913): 353–71Google Scholar. Better, though focused less on Mazzini, is Hanschmidt, Alvin, Republikanisch-demokratischer Internationalismus im 19. Jahrhundert (Husum, 1977), pp. 6985Google Scholar. The organization is also discussed in Christine Lattek (no. 2 above), chap. 3.

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21 Herald of Co-operation 10 (October 1847): 7374 ffGoogle Scholar. These articles were probably by James Hole.

22 Edwards, ed., 1:65, 130. Mazzini tried to repair the damages with Sand by sending a friend to her in 1855 (ibid., 2:26).

23 Ibid., 1:101. On Blanc generally see Loubère, Leo A., Louis Blanc: His Life and His Contribution to the Rise of French Jacobin Socialism (Chicago, 1966)Google Scholar.

24 On the emergence of this range of radical beliefs from 1820 to 1860, see Claeys (n. 1 above) and on the increasing convergence of socialism and radicalism in the late 1840s, chap. 7 in particular.

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32 For example, Gossman, Norbert, “Republicanism in Nineteenth Century England,” International Review of Social History 7 (1962): 5657CrossRefGoogle Scholar; T. Tholfsen (n. 1 above), p. 99; Jones, David, Chartism and the Chartists (London, 1975), p. 164Google Scholar.

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34 The Ruskin disciple Kineton Parkes also reissued the English Republic in 1891.

35 Harrison, J. F. C., “Chartism in Leeds,” in Chartist Studies, ed. Briggs, Asa (London, 1959), pp. 9697Google Scholar.

36 BL Linton MSS 7:138, 8:26.

37 BL Linton MSS 9:4, 116–17.

38 The most extensive treatment of the journal is Smith (n. 17 above), pp. 89–126. Smith's is also the only modern biography of Linton.

39 Republican (1848), pp. 4345Google Scholar; English Republic 1 (1851): 1823Google Scholar; 2 (1852–53): 69–70, 138; 1 (1851): 233–42, 179.

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47 Douglas Jerrold's Weekly Newspaper, no. 170 (October 13, 1849).

48 Edwards, ed. (n. 16 above), 1:154. On relations between the two leaders, see Kastner (n. 20 above).

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54 The vast numbers who turned out to cheer Kossuth throws into doubt Gossman's conclusion that Kossuth's support was primarily middle class, and not radical (“British Aid” [n. 2 above], p. 243).

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57 Authentic Life of His Excellency Louis Kossuth (London, 1851), p. 63Google Scholar; Glasgow Sentinel, no. 59 (November 15, 1851), p. 2Google Scholar. Kossuth's theory of federalism and nationalism are treated in Deak, Istvan, “Lajos Kossuth's Nationalism and Internationalism,” Austrian History Yearbook 12–13 (19761977): 4858CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

58 Sheffield Free Press, no. 44 (November 1, 1852), p. 5Google Scholar. See also, e.g., the Home 2, no. 27 (November 22, 1851): 234Google Scholar, where “Alfred” praised Kossuth for teaching that freedom was based on local institutions.

59 Operative, no. 72 (May 15, 1852), pp. 436–37Google Scholar; Standard of Freedom, no. 119 (May 5, 1850), p. 9Google Scholar. The reaction of the government to the refugees is discussed in Porter (n. 2 above), pp. 126–69. Still useful on this topic is de Groot, Emil, “Contemporary Political Opinion and the Revolutions of 1848,” History 38 (1953): 134–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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75 Sheffield Free Press, no. 70 (May 1, 1852), p. 2Google Scholar; Democrat and Labour Advocate, no. 4 (November 24, 1855), p. 13Google Scholar; People's Paper, no. 182 (October 27, 1855), p. 1Google Scholar. Probably responding to this, one of Mazzini's English disciples, the Chartist John Sketchley, wrote to the journal distinguishing between socialism and communism and arguing that Mazzini attacked only the abolition of private property and individuality (no. 187 [December 1, 1855], p. 5). Sketchley supported “the individuality, the humanity, and the rationality of each human being, each as an integrant of the body politic” but also advocated common ownership of land and exchange on the basis of equivalent proportions of labor (no. 255 [March 21, 1857], p. 1).

76 Blanc, Louis, Observations on the Recent Manifesto of Kossuth, Ledru Rollin and Mazzini (London, 1855), pp. 4, 7Google Scholar; People's Paper, no. 274 (August 1, 1857), p. 5Google Scholar. Sketchley again defended Mazzini on this occasion.

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