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The Impact of Cotton Land Distribution on the Antebellum Economy
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 May 2010
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Much of the federally owned public lands in the American South to the west of the Appalachians was sold to private interests between 1820 and 1860. Land sales' policy remained a great political issue during the nineteenth century because of its perceived effects on the distribution of wealth, sectoral economic growth, and the geographic location of political power. In this essay we consider the marginal impact of Southern land sales on national income. Like all models, our model is only as good as its underlying assumptions. Our aim is less to provide the last word on an important historical issue than to place the problem in a context in which analytical tools can be employed.
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- Copyright © The Economic History Association 1971
References
The author benefited from the comments of Gavin Wright, William Parker and David Grether in preparing this paper.
1 See, for example, Swierenga, Robert P., Pioneers and Profits: Land Speculation on the Iowa Frontier (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1968Google Scholar).
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3 Hamilton, Alexander, “Plan for the Disposition of the Public Lands” (1790) from Thomas, Donaldson, ed., The Public Domain (Washington: U. S. Government, 1881). 198Google Scholar.
4 See Appendix.
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9 Gavin Wright, “The Economics of Cotton in the Antebellum South” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1969) and Wright, , “An Econometric Study of Cotton Production and Trade 1830–1860,” Review of Economics and Statistics, LIII, 2 (May 1971), pp. 111CrossRefGoogle Scholar–20.
10 See also Temin, Peter, “The Causes of Cotton Price Fluctuations in the 1830's,” Review of Economics and Statistics, XLIX, 3 (Nov. 1967), pp. 463CrossRefGoogle Scholar–70.
11 Wright “Cotton Production and Trade,” p. 112.
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14 See Equation (2) and Wright, “Cotton Production,” p. 119.
15 Wright, “Cotton Production,” p. 119.
16 See Passell, and Schmundt, , “Pre-Civil War Land Policy and the Growth of Manufacturing,” Explorations in Economic History, VIII, 5 (Fall 1971Google Scholar); Clayne Pope, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago Economics Department, 1971.
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20 Ibid., p. 69.
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22 Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Texas, Bulletin, IV (1891).
23 Ibid.
24 Brown, Cotton, chapter xiii.
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26 Ibid., p. 93.
27 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rainfall Erosion Losses from Cropland East of the Rocky Mountains: Handbook 282 (Washington: U. S. Government, 1965Google Scholar).
28 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Soils and Men.
29 Ibid., p. 90.
30 U. S. Department of Agriculture, Rainfall.
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33 U.S.D.A., Agricultural Research Service, Runoff and Erosion Studies in Cecil Soil in the Southern Piedmont: Technical Bulletin 1281 (Washington: U. S. Government, 1963), p. 14Google Scholar.
34 Ibid., p. 15.
35 Ibid., p. 14.
36 Evidence gathered from U.S.D.A., Soil Conservation Service, Soil Surveys from ten selected Southern counties.
37 Blakely interview.
38 U.S.D.A., Runoff, p. 31.
39 U.S.D.A., Soils, p. 102.
40 Blakely interview.
41 The basic result is supported indirectly by Wright's thesis results in the appendix of chapter iv. Wright regressed the average product of labor against (among other variables) length of settlement, grouping counties by soil type region. He found that the linear coefficient of length of settlement was significantly negative for the hilly regions, and insignificant for die flat regions. Length of settlement may be a proxy for soil depletion.
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