Article contents
Was the Bank Holiday of 1933 Caused by a Run on the Dollar?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 March 2009
Abstract
International, rather than domestic, causes of both the Bank Holiday of 1933 and the calm in the banking system that followed are emphasized here. New information on gold losses by the New York Federal Reserve, rather than domestic currency hoarding, serve to explain the Bank Holiday's specific timing. Expectations that Roosevelt would devalue the dollar stimulated much of the gold loss. I also argue that Roosevelt's restrictions on gold holdings and foreign exchange dealings and his devaluation of the dollar by 60 percent were more important to the stability of the banking system after the Bank Holiday than was deposit insurance.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Economic History Association 1987
References
1 Twentieth Annual Report of the Federal Reserve Board Covering Operations for the Year 1933 (Washington, D.C., 1934), p. 8 [hereafter Federal Reserve Annual Report 1933].Google Scholar
2 Friedman, Milton and Schwartz, Anna J., Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960 (Princeton, 1963), p. 332.Google Scholar
3 Kennedy, Susan Estabrook, The Banking Crisis of 1933 (Louisville, 1973), p. 224;Google ScholarWicker, Elmus R., Federal Reserve Monetary Policy, 1917–1933 (New York, 1966), pp. 194–95;Google ScholarKindleberger, Charles P., The World in Depression, 1929–1939 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 197–98.Google Scholar
4 Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr, The Age of Roosevelt, The Crisis of the Old Order (Boston, 1957), pp. 474–75;Google ScholarFriedel, Frank, Franklin D. Roosevelt Launching the New Deal (Boston, 1973), p. 175.Google Scholar
5 Columbia University Library, Oral History Archives, “Reminiscences of James P. Warburg,” pp. 63–64.Google Scholar
6 Columbia University Library, Oral History Archives, “Reminiscences of Walter Wyatt,” p. 3.Google Scholar
7 Friedman and Schwartz, Monetary History of the United States, p. 331.Google Scholar
8 Kennedy, The Banking Crisis of 1933, pp. 144–45.Google Scholar
9 Bank of England archives, C43/76, folio 23.
10 Wall Street Journal, Mar. 1, 1933, p. 5; Mar. 2, 1933, p. 1; Mar. 3, 1933, p. 5; Mar. 4, 1933, pp. 1, 5.Google Scholar
11 Bank of England archives, G1/139, folio 3.Google Scholar
12 The Guaranty Trust was conducting an arbitrage activity in cooperation with the Bank of France, borrowing French francs from the Bank of France, using them to buy dollars offered in Paris for two day delivery, borrowing from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York to buy gold immediately, and selling the gold to the Bank of France to liquidate the original franc borrowing.Google Scholar
13 Harrison, George L. Papers, Columbia University Library, Binder 50, vol. 3, pp. 93–102.Google Scholar
14 The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, feb. 4, 1933, pp. 725–26.Google Scholar
15 The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, Jan. 28, 1933, p. 531.Google Scholar
16 Sullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C., 1936), p. 68.Google Scholar
17 Schlesinger, The Crisis of the Old Order, p. 453.Google Scholar
18 Friedel, Franklin D. Roosevelt, pp. 184–85.Google Scholar
19 The Commercial & Financial Chronicle, Feb. 4, 1933;Google ScholarSullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C.), 02 11, 1933;Google ScholarWall Street Journal, Mar. 2, 1933, p. 1.Google Scholar
20 Sullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C., 1936), 03 3, 1933, p. 5.Google Scholar
21 Financial Times, Mar. 1, 1933, p. 8; Mar. 2, 1933, p. 4.Google Scholar
22 Sullivan, Prelude to Panic, 46.Google Scholar
23 Harrison Papers, Binder 46, memo describing events on Feb. 17, 1933 and Feb. 19, 1933.Google Scholar
24 New York Herald Tribune, May 5, 1958, p. 18.Google Scholar
25 I do not know the purpose of the gold custody account.Google Scholar
26 Secretary's minutes of a special meeting of the Executive Committee of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Mar. 7, 1933.Google Scholar
27 Columbia University Library, Oral History Archives, “Reminiscences of Walter Wyatt,” pp. 3–4.Google Scholar
28 Secretary's minutes of a special meeting of the Board of Directors of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Mar. 9, 1933.Google Scholar
29 Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, Banking and Monetary Statistics (Washington, D.C., 1943), p. 575 [hereafter Banking and Monetary Statistics].Google Scholar
30 Bank of England archives, C43/76, folio 3; Harrison Papers, Binder 46, memo Feb. 16, 1933.Google Scholar
31 Harrison Papers, Binder 50, vol. 3, pp. 103, 95, 96, 101.Google Scholar
32 Harrison Papers, Binder 46, memo Mar. 12, 1933.Google Scholar
33 Roelse, H. V. and Deputy Governor Burgess memos of Mar. 6, 1933 to Governor Harrison, Federal Reserve Bank of New York archives.Google Scholar
34 Banking and Monetary Statistics, p. 178.Google Scholar
35 Harrison Papers, Binder 50, vol. 3, memo Mar. 3, 1933, Board of Directors meeting, p. 100.Google Scholar
36 Columbia University Library, The Herbert H. Lehman Papers, Special Subject Files, Bank Holiday of 1933, Broderick, Joseph A. memo of Dec. 1935, pp. 15–16.Google Scholar
37 Sullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C., 1936), 03 3, 1933, pp. 15–16.Google Scholar
38 “Reminiscences of Walter Wyatt,” p. 4.Google Scholar
39 Federal Reserve Annual Report 1933, p. 23; Banking and Monetary Statistics, p. 17.Google Scholar
40 Sullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C., 1936), 03 3, 1933, p. 146.Google Scholar
41 Sullivan, Lawrence, Prelude to Panic The Story of the Bank Holiday (Washington, D.C., 1936), 03 3, 1933, p. 387.Google Scholar
42 Federal Reserve Bulletin, Sep. 1937, pp. 909–10.Google Scholar
43 Friedman and Schwartz, Monetary History of the United States, p. 11.Google Scholar
44 Kennedy, The Banking Crisis of 1933, p. 230.Google Scholar
45 Beard, Charles A. and Smith, George H. A., The Old Deal and The New (New York, 1941), pp. 78–81.Google Scholar
46 Studenski, Paul and Krooss, Herman E., Financial History of the United States (2nd edn., New York, 1963), p. 384.Google Scholar
47 Moley, Raymond, The First New Deal (New York, 1966), p. 155.Google Scholar
48 Goldenweiser, E. A., American Monetary Policy (New York, 1951), pp. 169–70.Google Scholar
49 Federal Reserve Annual Report 1933, p. 28. If federal deposit insurance did not provide stability why was it implemented? My interpretation is that so many modest depositors were inconvenienced and frightened by the bank closings that something was necessary to soothe them. E. A. Goldenweiser said as much: “This measure protects the savers of the country from uneasiness about the validity of their deposits and no doubt is sufficient to prevent bank failures caused by withdrawals of savings or other small or medium-sized deposits.” Goldenweiser, American Monetary Policy, p. 172.Google Scholar
50 Harrison Papers, Binder 50, vol. 3, pp. 107–9, 124, 126.Google Scholar
51 Report of The Reconstruction Finance Corporation, Fourth Quarter, 1933, pp. 23, 32.Google Scholar
52 Banking and Monetary Statistics, p. 575.Google Scholar
53 Wigmore, Barrie A., The Crash and Its Aftermath A History of Securities Markets in the United States, 1929–1933 (Westport, 1985), pp. 456, 503–4.Google Scholar
- 54
- Cited by