Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-hc48f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-25T19:44:41.940Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Menelās

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

Gloria Ferrari
Affiliation:
Bryn Mawr College,Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania

Extract

In 1949 Jeffery wrote of the Proto attic stand from Aegina once in Berlin, A 42: ‘… the dialect and letter-forms used by the painter of the stand indicate that he was himself an Aeginetan.’ Her suggestion was taken up by scholars who favored the idea of an immigrant painter in Athens, and eventually led to the hypothesis that a group of vases in the Black and White style— namely the ones by hands represented in the treasuretrove bought by the Berlin Antiquarium in 1936—were made in a workshop on the island. Since it is the one apparently sound piece of evidence that at least one painter of the Black and White style was Aeginetan, the stand and its painted inscription deserve another look.

Type
Notes
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1987

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

I wish to thank Mabel L. Lang and Richard Hamilton for discussing some aspects of this interpretation with me.

1 Jeffery, L. H., JHS lxix (1949) 26Google Scholar. The stand: CVA Berlin i (Munich 1938) 24–5, pls. 31–3.

2 Cook, J. M., Gnomon xxiii (1951) 213Google Scholar; Rumpf, A.Malerei und Zeichnung. Handbuch der Archaeologie vi, 4.1 (1953) 25Google Scholar; Vanderpool, E., AJP lxxiv (1953) 322Google Scholar. See also Morris, S. P., The black and white style, Yale Classical Monographs vi (1984) 91–2Google Scholar n. 2 for a review of opinions. The notion of an Aeginetan painter is resisted by Kübler, K., Kerameikos vi 2 (Berlin 1970) 328Google Scholar n. 92, and by Boardman, J., BSA xlix (1954) 185–6Google Scholar.

3 Brann, E. T. H., Agora viii (Princeton 1962) 20, 24Google Scholar; Morris (n. 2) passim. The alleged provenience from Aegina of the Berlin vases—G. Karo, xxvi. Hallisches Winckelmannsprogramm (Halle 1928) 10Google Scholar; CVA Berlin i (n. 1) 5—seems confirmed by joins with excavated sherds, Morris (n. 2) 7, 41.

4 Langdon, M. K., A sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia Suppl. xvi (1976) 43Google Scholar. On the Dipylon inscription, Jeffery, L. H., The local scripts of archaic Greece (Oxford 1961) 76 no. 1Google Scholar.

5 The possibility that it may be an alternate form is put forward by Guarducci, M., Epigrafia Greca 1 (Roma 1967) 133Google Scholar, who cites Young, R. S., AJA xlvi (1942) 125Google Scholar. Karo (n. 3) 13 reports F. Hiller von Gaertringen's suggestion that the painter might have been Ionian. Morris, (n. 2) 34–5 admits that the epigraphic evidence is here inconclusive.

6 The diagnostic elements are the pose and the goad, which find good comparisons in the horse-race on the MacMillan aryballos, British Museum 894–18.1, Payne, H. G., Protokorinthische Vasenmalerei (Berlin 1933) pl. 22Google Scholar, and, among later vases, on the neck amphora Louvre E 866, ABV, 100 no. 68. Papaspyridi-Karouzou, S., Angeia tou Anagyrountos (Athens 1963) 8892Google Scholar lists and discusses seventh century BC representations of the race, in reference to the krater Athens, National Museum 16383, ABV, 7 γ Paralipomena, 3 no. 12, which has an animated race, perhaps the event at the old Panathenaia.

7 E.g., Karo (n. 3) 14; CVA Berlin i (n. 1); Fittschen, K., Untersuchungen zum Beginn der Sagendarstellungen bei den Griechen (Berlin 1969) 175–6Google Scholar; Morris (n. 2) 43.

8 Mylonas, G. E., Ho prōtoattikos amphoreus tēs Eleusinos (Athens 1957) 3Google Scholar.

9 Aegina 2022, Kraiker, W., Aigina, Die Vasen des 10. bis 7. Jhs. v. Chr. (Berlin 1951) pl. 43 no. 555Google Scholar. The Eleusis sherd is illustrated by Cook, J. M., BSA xxxv (19341935) pl. 51Google Scholar b. Kübler (n. 2) 205 n. 41 gives a list of such processions, but includes some doubtful examples.

10 Brann (n. 3) 81 no. 442, pls. 27, 44. On the Late Geometric choruses, Tölle, R., Frühgriechische Reigentänze (Waldsassen, Bayern 1964)Google Scholar.

11 CVA Berlin i (n. 1) 23–4, pls. 30; 34, 2; also lost, according to Morris (n. 2) 46.

12 CVA Berlin i (n. 1) 24; Webster, T. B. L., The Greek chorus (London 1970) 9Google Scholar.

13 Berlin A 34: CVA Berlin i (n. 1) 20–1, pl. 22; Athens, National Museum 16384: ABV, 6; Paralipomena, 3 no. 13; Papaspyridi-Karouzou (n. 6) 94. Agora P-13285 and Berlin A 41 are listed among choruses by Webster (n. 12).

14 Morris (n. 2) 5, 43, 46, calls the genre ‘formulaic heroic’ and the figures on A 41 ‘warriors’.

15 On the type of inscription, see Kretschmer, P., Die griechischen Vaseninschriften (Gütersloh 1894) 90–3Google Scholar.

16 Theognis 1365. Athens, National Museum 1357: Philippaki, B., Vases of the National Archaeological Museum of Athens (Vitoria, Spain, s.d.) 78–9Google Scholar.

17 ARV 2 1619 no. 3 bis; Vermeule, E., AntK viii (1965) 34–9Google Scholar.

18 ARV 2, 1622–3 no. 7 bis. The interpretation of the picture as a chorus is upheld by Green, J. R., Greek vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum. Occasional papers on antiquities iii (1985) 101Google Scholar; on the inscription, Sifakis, G. M., BICS xiv (1967) 36Google Scholar.

19 ARV 2, 16 no. 15; FR II, 16.

20 Beazley, J. D., AJA lii (1948) 337–8Google Scholar; the inscriptions appear on the Berlin school-cup by Douris, 2285, and on a cup (fragments) by Onesimos in Oxford, Ashmolean Museum G 138.3, 5, 11.

On book-rolls in school scenes in general, see Immerwahr, H. R., Classical Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies in honor of Berthold Louis Ullmann (Rome 1964) 1748Google Scholar; AntK xvi (1973) 143–7Google Scholar.

21 Immerwahr, H. R., AJA lxix (1965) 153Google Scholar.

22 On this convention see Herington, J., Poetry into drama (Berkeley and Los Angeles 1985) 113–14Google Scholar, with references to earlier literature.

23 Choruses of men and women at the annual Panathenaia, perhaps one of the events of the pannychis, are postulated mainly on the evidence of Euripides Heraclidae 777–83; Deubner, L., Attische Fest (Vienna 1969) 24Google Scholar. Lysias xxi 2 mentions kyklioi choroi at the same festival. The date at which the horse-race was introduced is unknown—on this point, see Davison, J. A., JHS lxxviii (1958) 27Google Scholar. Great antiquity is attributed, however, to the apobates race with the chariot; Marmor Parium, Ep. 10; Corbett, P. E., JHS lxxx (1960) 57Google Scholar. The horse-race is shown on late sixth century BC Panathenaic amphorae—von Brauchitsch, G., Die panathenaischen Preisamphoren (Leipzig and Berlin 1910) 132–3Google Scholar—but an earlier picture of a winner is on the neck-amphora Athens 559, ABV, 85 no. 1 (middle), of c. 570 BC. This vase is remarkably similar to canonical Panathenaic amphorae in shape and dimensions (on which see Johnston, A., BSA lxxiii [1978] 134–5Google Scholar), and was published by Papaspyridi-Karouzou, S., AJA xlii (1938) 495505CrossRefGoogle Scholar, as a ‘proto-Panathenaic’ piece. On seventh century BC representations of horsemen and races, see supra, n. 6. The other side of Athens 559 has a picture of a flautist between men wearing long cloaks, possibly a chorus; here too one finds a large bird, in front of the flautist.