Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-s2hrs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-14T22:18:39.919Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Agriculture and Protectionsm in Chile, 1880–1930

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Extract

In searching for the roots of Chile's persistent economic frustrations, numerous investigators have turned their attention to the period between the War of the Pacific and the Great Depression. During that half century Chile's elites enjoyed the bounty of the nitrate age but, perhaps lulled by the glowing trade statistics, generous fiscal revenues and general aura of prosperity which nitrates provided, neglected to develop alternative sources of national income for the future.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1975

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Claudio, Véliz, ‘La mesa de tres patas’, Desarrollo Ecóndmico, 3 (1963), 235–48;Google ScholarMax, Nolff, ‘Industria manufacturera‘, in CORFO (ed.), Geografia económica de Chile (texto refundido, Santiago, 1965–6), I, 508–48.Google Scholar Andre Gunder Frank criticizes this thesis in Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America (2nd ed., New York, 1969), PP. 7398.Google Scholar Contemporary assessments of development in the nitrate age are discussed in Frederick, B. Pike, Chile and the United States, 1880–1962 (Notre Dame, 1965), pp. 94–9.Google Scholar See also Aníbal, Pinto Santa Cruz, Chile, un caso de desarrollo frustrado (Santiago, 1962), pp. 26105.Google Scholar

2 For studies of the SNA see Gonzalo, Izquierdo F., Un estudio de ideologiías chilenas: la Sociedad de Agricuitura en el siglo xix (Santiago, 1968),Google Scholar and Thomas, C. Wright, The Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura in Chilean Politics, 1869–1938 (unpublished doctoral dissertation in history, University of California, Berkeley, 1971).Google Scholar

3 Although much has been made of the influence of the French economist Jean Gustave Courcelle-Seneuil in establishing laissez-faire doctrine in Chile, the evidence suggests that his teachings were readily discarded toward the end of the nineteenth century by those whose interests they did not serve. On Courcelle-Seneuil, see: Diego, Barros Arana, Don Juan Gustavo Courcelle-Seneuil (Santiago, 1949);Google Scholar and Leonardo, Fuentealba Hernández, Courcelle-Seneuil en Chile: errores dei liberalismo económico (Santiago, 1946).Google Scholar

4 Arnold, J. Bauer, ‘Expansión económica en una sociedad tradicional: Chile central en el siglo xix, Historía (Universidad Católica de Chile), no. 9 (1970), 137–41 Dirección General de Estadística,Google ScholarResultados del x censo de la pobiación efectuado el 27 de noviembre de 1930 (Santiago, 1931), 1, 40, 46.Google Scholar

5 Bauer, ‘Expansión económica‘, pp. 141–58; Sergio, Sepúlveda, El trigo chileno en el mercado mundial (Santiago, 1959). On the ‘clase derrochadora‘ image,Google Scholar see Marcial, González, ‘Nuestro enemigo el lujo‘, Estudios económicos (Santiago, 1889), pp. 429–62.Google Scholar

6 Bauer, ‘Expansión económica’, 158–61.

7 Arnold, J. Bauer, Chilean Rural Society from the Spanish Conquest to 1930 (forthcoming, Cambridge University Press, 1975), ch. 3.Google Scholar

8 Adoifo, Latorre Subercascaux, ‘Relación entre el circulante y los precios en Chile’ (Memoria de Prueba para optar, al título de ingeniero comercial, Universidad Católica de Chile, 1958), has a price index for agricultural and other commodities.Google Scholar

9 Sociedad Nacional de Agricultura, Boletin de la Sociedad Nacional de Agriculura, xiv (1883), 167 (hereafter cited as BSNA).

10 BSNA, II (1870), 45–7; ibid., II (1871), 422–3; ibid., II (1871), 65–70. After the early 58705 the BSNA carried considerable amounts of material from European agricultural journals which covered the methods used to diversify European agriculture after the disastrous invasion of foreign-grown staples.

11 Cattle import figures are from Silvia, Hernández, ‘The Andean Passes between Chile and Argentina: A Study in Historical Geography’ (unpublished master’s thesis in geography, University of California, Berkeley, 1970), p. 49. Prices are from Bauer, ‘Expansión económica‘, pp. 223–4.Google Scholar

12 BSNA, 14 (1883), 170.

13 BSNA, 5 (1873), 6.

14 Daniel, Martner, Estudio de política comercial chilena e historia económica nacional (Santiago, 1923), 11, 457–8. Actual construction was delayed some twenty years, and the rail-road was not opened until 1910.Google Scholar

15 BSNA, xvii (1886), 177.

16 Representación del pueblo de Santiago al Congreso de la República con motivo del proyecro de impuesto al ganado arjentino (Santiago, 1888), p. 10.Google Scholar See also Thomas, C. Wright, ‘Origins of the Politics of Inflation in Chile, 1888–1918‘, Hispanic American Historical Review, 53, 2 (05 1973), 239–59.Google Scholar

17 Agustín, Ross Edwards, El impuesto al ganado arjentino: folleto de actualidad (Valparaíso, 1888), p. 6.Google Scholar

18 El Independiente (Santiago), 9 08. 1889.Google Scholar

19 See the Boletin de la Sociedad de Fomento Fabril.

20 The role of devaluation in exportation is discussed in Félix, Vicuña, ‘Situación económica’, Revista Económica, 1 (1886), 920;Google Scholar and Marcial Martínez, ‘La cuestión económica’, ibid., pp. 279–227, claims that by promoting exports, devaluation had saved Chile from ‘social revolution’.

21 BSNA, xxv (1894)–xxvIII (1897).

22 Centro Industrial y Agrícola, Revista del Centro Industrial y Agrícola, II (1900), I.

23 Congreso Nacional, Cámara de Diputados, Sesiones ordinarias en 1896, pp. 627–8. This is generally considered Chile’s first protectionist tariff since free trade was adopted in the 1860s.

24 Law 980, in Ricardo, Anguita, Leyes promulgadas en Chile desde 1810 hasta el primero de junio de 1953, 111, 400–7.Google Scholar ‘The government considered the 60 per cent duty ‘frankly protective’, and the 35 per cent levy ‘moderately protective’: United States Federal Trade Commission, Report on Trade and Tariffs in Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, and Peru (Washington, D.C., 1916), pp. 282–3.Google Scholar

25 Law 980, in Anguita, Leyes, III, 400–7.

26 Wright, ‘Politics of Inflation’, p. 249.

27 BSNA, xxx (1899), 809–13.

28 BSNA, xxxiii (1902), 146.

29 BSNA, xxxvii (1906), 198.

30 BSNA, xxx (1899), 683–8. Also ibid, 809–13, 915–18. On economic nationalism see Carl, Solberg, Immigration and Nationalism in Argentina and Chile, 1890–1914 (Austin, 1970), pp. 159–68.Google Scholar

31 BSNA, xxxviii (1907), 149.

32 , Chilean Rural Society, ch. 3.

33 BSNA, XXXI (1900), 751.

34 Wright, ‘Politics of Inflation’, 248–55.

35 U.S. Federal Trade Commission, Report on Trade, pp. 147, 181–2, 185.

36 ibid., p. 147.

37 ibid., p. 152–5.

38 ibid., p. 173.

39 BSNA, LV (1924), 603.

40 BSNA, LVII (1926), 581.

41 BSNA, xlii (1911), 543; ibid., XLIII (1912), 129, 457–63, 513–14; El Mercurio (Aritofagasta), July and Aug. 1912; Luis, Galdames, El comercio interior tie Chile (Santiago, 1909), p. 27;Google Scholar congressional debate, interspersed among other business, is in Cámara de Diputados, Sesiones ordinarias en 1912, pp. 737–1098.

42 SNA, , Ferrocarril trasandino de Antofagasta a Salta (Santiago, 1922).Google Scholar

43 BSNA, xxxix (1908), 199–206; Martner, Estudio de pollitca comercial, 2, 595.