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The Lawyers and New Granada's Late Colonial State*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Victor M. Uribe
Victor M. Uribe
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor of History at Florida International University.
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Abstract

This article presents a portrait of New Granada's colonial lawyers. Though it focuses primarily on individuals qualified to practise law before the Audiencia, it deals not just with practising lawyers as such but also with those who, despite being qualified to practise law, ended up choosing other occupations; in particular, joining the bureaucracy. It examines the social characteristics, family strategies, and bureaucratic careers of these professionals to demonstrate how, as chief competitors for state jobs, lawyers complemented their clans' power in important ways. By providing a vital component of the colonial elite's survival kit – bureaucratic power – they increased their families' overall influence, honour, and social status. In doing so, some lawyers came to build true family-bureaucratic networks which proved resistant to the late colonial Bourbon reforms that sought to undo them.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Latin American Studies , Volume 27 , Issue 3 , October 1995 , pp. 517 - 549
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1995

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References

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13 On the institutional history and evolution of legal education in New Granada see Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, ch. 6.

14 Up to 1691, Bogotá's Colegio del Rosario seems to have produced only three lawyers, two of whom were also priests. See Alba, Guillermo Hernández de, Crónica del muy ilustre Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Señora del Rosario, vol. 1 (Bogotá, 1938), p. 223Google Scholar.

15 Silva, Renán, ‘Escolares y catedráticos en la sociedad colonial’, unpubl. ms., Banco de la República de Colombia, Fundación Para la Promotión de la Investigatión, la Ciencia y La Tecnología, 1985, p. 12Google Scholar; Alba, Guillermo Hernández de, ‘Breve historia de la universidad en Colombia’, BHA, vol. 28, no. 322 (1941), pp. 911–17Google Scholar.

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18 The teaching of Catholic philosophy, speculative and moral theology, and canon law had a disproportional weight in the training of lawyers. The more secular civil (Roman and Spanish) law courses were scarce, nor were there any public law courses until a brief interval in the 1780s and early 1790s. Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, ch. 6. Concerning some Bourbon policies see Phelan, John L., The People and the King: The Comunero Revolution in Colombia, 1781 (Madison, 1978)Google Scholar; Luis Martínez Delgado, Noticia biográfica del procer Don joaquín Camacho. Documentos (Bogotá, n. d.), p. 290; Fisher, John et al. (eds.), Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru (Baton Rouge, 1990)Google Scholar; Garrido, Margarita, Reclamos y representaciones. Variaciones sobre la político en el Nuevo Reino de Granada (Bogotá, 1993), pp. 55–71Google Scholar.

19 Moreno y Escandón, ‘Documento sobre el exceso’, p. 6; Ricaurte, José A., ‘Compendio de lo actuado sobre estudios públicos’ [1783], BHA, vol. 24, no. 272 (1937), pp. 343–71Google Scholar; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, ch. 6; Silva, Renán, La reforma de estudios en el Nuevo Reino de Granada, 1767–1790 (Bogotá, 1981)Google Scholar.

20 The memoirs and obituaries written by the descendants of the lawyers Joaquín Ortíz Tagle and Pedro Vicente Martínez claim that by the 1780s and 1790s there were some ‘sixteen or twenty lawyers in Bogotá’, or a very ‘scarce number’ of legal professionals. Ortíz, Juan F., Reminiscencias de D. Juan Francisco Ortiz [1861] (Bogota, 1907), p. 14Google Scholar; ‘Relatión de las exequias hechas en la ciudad de Buga el 18 de agosto de 1850’ (Bogotá, n. d.). Both these accounts are impressionistic and inaccurate, judging by the observations of contemporaries and the quantitative data to be discussed in this article.

21 Silvestre, Francisco, Descripción del Nuevo Reino de Santafé [1789] (Bogota, 1968), p. 116Google Scholar. See also his Relación de la Provincia de Antioquia [1786–97] (Medellfn, 1988); and Restrepo, José M., Gobernadores de Antioquia (Bogota, 1944), pp. 205–15Google Scholar.

22 ‘Padrón general de la población de esta capital’, La Bagatela, Santafé de Bogotá, 1 October 1853, p. 79. As this census indicates, there were also five convents with a population of about 472 nuns.

23 Restrepo, José M., Historia de la revolutión de la república de Colombia (Bogotá, 1942), p. xxxviiiGoogle Scholar.

24 Juan, and Villamarín, Judith, ‘The Concept of Nobility in Colonial Santafé de Bogotá’, in Spalding, Karen (ed.), Essays in the Political, Economic, and Social History of Colonial Latin America (Newark, 1982), p. 138Google Scholar.

25 See Harris, Charles, A Mexican Family Empire: El Latifundio of the Sánchez Navarros, 1765–1867 (Austin, 1975), pp. 11–17Google Scholar; Ganster, Paul, ‘A Social History of the Secular Clergy of Lima during the Middle Decades of the Eighteenth Century’, unpubl. PhD diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974Google Scholar; Harrington, Raymond P., ‘The Secular Clergy in the Diocese of Mérida de Yucatán, 1780–1850: Their Origins, Careers, Wealth, and Activities’, unpubl. PhD diss., Catholic University of America, 1982Google Scholar.

26 Kuethe, Allan J., Military Reform and Society in New Granada (Gainesville, 1978), pp. 205–6Google Scholar. The militia was a widely dispersed pseudo-army composed of volunteer units led by prominent local leaders; in most cases they had no arms or uniforms. See Juan Marchena Fernández, ‘The Social World of the Military in Perú and New Granada’, in Fisher et al. (eds.), Reform and Insurrection, pp. 61–2.

27 Juan Marchena Fernández, ‘The Social World’, p. 84.

28 A goo d social profile of both New Granada's army and militia can be found in ibid., pp. 83–95.

29 ‘Relatión de gobierno del Exmo Sor., D. Joséf de Ezpeleta’ [1796], in Colmenares, Germán (ed.), Relaciones e informes de los gobernantes de la Nueva Granada, vol. 2 (Bogota, 1989), pp. 224–5Google Scholar; ‘Relatión' Virrey Pedro Mendinueta’ [1803], ibid., vol. 3, p. 92.

30 Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, p. 91.

31 Restrepo, José M., Autobiografía. Apuntamientos sobre emigratión de 1816, e indices del Diario Politico [1816–1818] (Bogota, 1957), p. 10Google Scholar.

32 Lleras, Andrés Soriano, La medicina en el Nuevo Reino de Granada durante la conquistay la colonia (Bogotá, 1975), pp. 260–87Google Scholar; Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, p. 164; Glick, Thomas, ‘Science and Independence in Latin America (with Special Reference to New Granada)’, Hispanic American Historical Review (hereafter HAHR), vol. 71, no. 2 (05 1991). P. 323CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Guardia, Antonio García de la, Kalendario manualy guía deforasteros en Santa Fé de Bogotá capital del Nuevo Reino de Granada para el año de 1806 (Bogota, 1988)Google Scholar.

34 Ibid., pp. 57–72. This 1806 list should be taken as a rough indicator, and it is incomplete. It does not include prominent lawyers of New Granada, such as José María del Real (1767–1835), and oidores Joaquín Mosquera y Figueroa (1747–1830) and Manuel del Campo y Rivas (1750–1830), who had graduated in New Granada in the early 1770s and 1790s and were still alive at the time the list was compiled. A few other lawyers of the southern regions of Popayan, Cali, and Buga, who had graduated in and belonged to Quito's royal audiencia, are not registered here either; and a couple of Antioqueno lawyers are missing as well. Arboleda, Gustavo, Diccionario biográfico y genealógico del antiguo Departamento del Cauca (Bogota, 1962)Google Scholar; Beatriz, Patiño M., Criminalidad, ley penaly estructura social en la provincia de Antioquia, 1750–1820 (Medellin, 1994), pp. 164–73Google Scholar. In spite of these omissions, it is unlikely that the total exceeded 150.

36 García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual; Moreno y Escandón, ‘Documento sobre el exceso’; Silvestre, Description del reyno. In absolute terms, as was indicated, priests outnumbered lawyers in the late eighteenth century and during a great part of the nineteenth, but by the end of the colonial period the correlation was slowly shifting in favour of lawyers. Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, p. 79; Villamarín, ‘Concept of Nobility’.

36 Archivo Histórico Nacional, Bogotá (hereafter AHN), Notaria 1a. Bogotá, vol. 13; Notaria 2a., vols. 9–11; Notaria 3a., vols. 2, 4–5. In 1787 one resident of Medellín sued another who refused to address him with the honorific don, which implied noble descent. Twinam, Miners, Merchants, p. 119. Litigation of this sort was common during the second half of the century. Uribe, Jaime Jaramillo, ‘Mestizaje y diferenciación social en el Nuevo Reino de Granada en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII’, Anuario colombiano de historic socialy de la cultura, vol. 2 (1965), pp. 46–8Google Scholar; Alfonso García Valdecasas, El hidalgo y el honor (Madrid, 1948); Patiño, Criminalidad, ley penaly estructura social, pp. 197–247; Garrido, Reclamos y representaciones, pp. 217–26.

37 AHN, Médicos y Abogados, 2: 384, 235, 391; Bermúdez, Agustín, ‘La abogacia de pobres en Indias’, Anuario de historia del derecho espanol, vol. 50 (1980)Google Scholar.

38 Carta de Jerónimo Torres a su hermano Camilo, Popayán, 20 10, 1807, in ‘Datos para la biografía de Camilo Torres’, Repertorio Colombiano, vol. 20, no. 3 (1899), pp. 183–210Google Scholar. See also ‘Torres y Tenorio Jerónimo’, BHA, vol. 2, no. 5 (1903), pp. 135–48.

39 AHN, Notaria 1a., fol. 142. On the activities and profits of lawyer Joaquín Ortíz Tagle, who served Bogotá's local convents, see Ortíz, Keminiscencias, p. 14.

40 AHN, Notaria 1a., fols. 200, 281. It was also customary for lay members of society in pursuit of a bureaucratic appointment to be represented by a lawyer. See ibid., fol. 213; and letters from Miguel Tadeo Gómez to Joaquín Camacho, in Martínez Delgado, Noticia biogrdfica, pp. 288–9.

41 Vergara, Julio C. Vergara y, Don Antonio de Vergara Azcáratey sus descendientes, vol. 1 (Madrid, 1952), p. 140Google Scholar; Gómez, Adolfo L., El tribune de 1810 (Bogota, 1910), p. 236Google Scholar; Plazas, Francisco de P., Genealogías de la provincia de Neiva (Bogotá, 1985), p. 112Google Scholar; Correa, Ramón, ‘Jorge Ramón de Posada’, BHA, vol. 6, no. 61 (1909), pp. 11–29Google Scholar; Pardo Umaña, Camilo, Haciendas de la Sabana (Bogotá, 1988), pp. 77–81Google Scholar. For examples of priests' litigation, see AHN, Notaria 1a., fols. 280, 360; Plata, Horacio Rodríguez, Andrés María Rosilloy Meruelo (Bogotá, 1944), pp. 30–5, 38–9Google Scholar.

42 Camilo Torres loaned prominent merchant José González Llorente, a Spaniard based in Bogotá, more than 8,000 pesos, a significant amount in the early nineteenth century. Salcedo, Rafael Abello, ‘La primera república’, BHA, vol. 37, no. 441–3 (1951), pp. 423–53Google Scholar. See also Gonzáles Llorente's 1808 will, printed in Posada, Eduardo (ed.), El 20 de Julio. Capitulos sobre la revolutión de 1808 (Bogota, 1914), pp. 63–9Google Scholar.

43 To Camilo's bitter references to ‘el oficio estéril de defender pleitos de goteras’, Jerónimo responded, ‘You are very right to lament being a lawyer, and having to perform so many partly if not wholly unproductive legal occupations in our poor [misérrimo] country’. ‘Carta de Jeronimo’, p. 192.

44 Miguel Tadeo Gómez to Joaquín Camacho, 3 July 1803, in Martínez Delgado, Noticia biográfica, pp. 277–8; see also Plata, Horacio Rodríguez, La antigua Provintia del Socorro y la independencia (Bogota, 1963), p. 182Google Scholar; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

45 AHN, Médicos y Abogados, 3: 235, 251.

46 See a comprehensive discussion of this region's economy, society and politics in McFarlane, Colombia before Independence, esp. pp. 39–95.

47 Wrote Nariño: ‘Una de las enfermedades más destructoras de este Reino es la manía de los pleitos…todos los dís vemos comenzar u n pleito por los linderos de unas tierras, y acabar por la honra y la hacienda de los litigantes’. Nariño, Antonio, ‘Ensay o sobre un nuevo plan de administratión en el Nuevo Reino de Granada’ [1797], in Vida y escritos del General Nariño (Bogotá, 1946), pp. 88–9Google Scholar.

48 The crown soon abolished the local cabildo and appointed a lawyer as teniente gobernador letrado to settle the numerous legal disputes in the region. See Carreño, Pedro M., ‘Atavismo litigioso’, BHA, vol. 31, no. 355–6 (1944), pp. 556–62Google Scholar; Carranza, Alejandro B., Don Dionisio de los Caballeros de Tocaima (Bogotá, 1941), p. 221Google Scholar. Some historical roots of New Granada's litigiousness can probably be found in early sixteenth-century Castile, also a very litigious society. Kagan, Lawsuits and Litigants, pp. 3–20.

49 Pombo scorned the ‘muchos pleitos eternos entre las Provincias, entre los pueblos y entre los particulares sobte linderos, que son la ruina de muchos, y particularmente de los labradores’. Pombo, José I., ‘Informe de don José Ignacio de Pombo del Consulado de Cartagena sobre asuntos económicos y fiscales, abril 18, 1807’, in Ortíz, Sergio E. (ed.), Escritos de dos economistas coloniaks (Bogotá, 1965), p. 132Google Scholar.

50 ‘Las incomodidades que experimentan los de este oficio en las poblaciones cortas y en donde cada interesado forma por sí sus defensas. Por este motivo rinde poco la profesión’. These complaints, presented about 1807 by Antioqueño lawyer Pantaleón Arango, were followed by an 1809 petition arguing that since he had practised medicine for a number of years, he wished to have a licence to devote himself entirely to this profession. The licence and a degree were granted in early 1810. AHN, Médicos y Abogados, 3: 235, 251.

51 AHN, Anexo, Instructión Pública, 4: 474. For the role of some of these functionaries in sixteenth-century Peru and Mexico, and in colonial Venezuela see Lockhart, Spanish Peru, chs. 4, 6; and Arenal Fenochio, ‘De abogados y leyes’, pp. 191–3; Tamayo, Nieves Avellan de, Los escribanos de Venezuela (Caracas, 1994)Google Scholar.

52 AHN, Médicos y Abogados, 3: 235, 251. The oldest example found in the Colombian archives is the ‘Guía para dirigir jueces’ written in 1764 by the priest Pedro de Moya. AHN, Ortega Ricaurte, caja 2. More than a century earlier, the Spanish had relied on manuals like the 1618 ‘Práctica de procuradores para seguir pleitos civiles y criminales’, written by Juan Muñóz, which was very likely brought to the New World. Kagan, Lawsuits and Litigants, p. 46.

53 ‘Relatión de los méritos y servicios del doctor Pedro Romero Sarachaga…1777’. Documentos Biblioteca National de Colombia (hereafter DBNC), F. Pineda, 372. On Francisco Gaona de la Bastida, Francisco Sanz de Santamaría, José María García de Toledo, and José Caicedo y Flórez, lawyers whose major activities revolved around landownership and livestock raising, see Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

54 While in Popayán, Restrepo received from Uribe, who was in Antioquia, mules loaded with merchandise from Castile. Restrepo in turn sent Uribe muleloads of cacao and ponchos made in the southern region of Pasto. The business was quite profitable; in a few years profits reached nearly 150,000 pesos. See Alba, Guillermo Hernández de, Viday escritos del Doctor José F. Restrepo (Bogotá 1935)Google Scholar; Barrientos, Estanislao Gómez, Don Mariano Ospinaj su época, vol. 1 (Medellín, 1913), p. 48Google Scholar; García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual, p. 168; Mejía, Gabriel Arango, Genealogías de Antioquia y Caldas (Medellín, 1973)Google Scholar.

55 In his memoirs he observed, ‘el estudio práctico de las leyes le…puso en aptitud para desempeñar cualquier destino en la carrera de abogado, profesión que pensaba seguir, porque no tenía patrimonio para emprender otro modo de mejorar su fortuna’. Restrepo, Autobiografia, pp. 10–11, emphasis added; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix C.

56 Tirado, Ernesto Restrepo, ‘Notas genealógicas sobre algunos individuos que honraron la Nueva Granada’, BHA, vol. 31, no. 353–4 (1944), pp. 322–50Google Scholar; García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual, pp. 57–72. A few examples are Ignacio María Tordecillas, Nicolás Mauricio Omaña, Andrés Rosillo y Meruelo, Fray José Joaquín Escobar, Santiago Torres Peña, Pedro Salgar, and Manuel B. Rebollo. Besides being parish priests or occupying other positions in the church hierarchy, some of these men were rich landowners. Rodríguez Plata, Andrés María Rosillo; Pardo Umaña, Haciendas, pp. 77–81; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A. See also references cited in note 25.

57 Burkholder, Mark A., Politics of a Colonial Career: José Baquijano and the Audiencia of Lima (Albuquerque, 1980), p. 46Google Scholar.

58 Ibid., pp. 45–6.

59 DBNC, F. Pineda, 1066, 238–589; Burkholder, Mark, ‘Relaciones de Meritos y Servicios: A Source for Spanish-American Group Biography in the Eighteenth Century’, Manuscripta, vol. 21 (1977), pp. 97–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar; García Valdecasas, El hidalgo y el honor, pp. 8, 17, 57–60; Rivers, Julian Pitt, ‘Honor and Social Status’, in Peristiany, J. G. (ed.), Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (Chicago, 1974), pp. 21–77Google Scholar; Ann Twinam, ‘Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America’, in Lavrin (ed.), Sexuality and Marriage, p. 123; Garrido, Reclamos y representaciones, p. 35; McFarlane, Colombia before Independence, pp. 238–245.

60 Lynch, John, ‘The Institutional Framework of Colonial Spanish America’, journal of Latin American Studies, Suppl. (1992), p. 74Google Scholar; Garrido, Reclamosy representaciones, pp. 35, 71–6.

61 Twinam, Miners, Merchants; Vargas, Julián, La sociedad de Santafé colonial (Bogotá, 1990), p. 234Google Scholar; Patiño, Criminalidad, ley penal y estructura social, pp. 147–64.

62 Capdequi, José M. Ots y, Las instituciones del Nuevo Reino de Granada al tiempo de la independencia (Madrid, 1958), p. 23Google Scholar; Miguel T. Gómez to Camacho, Joaquín, 07 1803, in Delgado, Martínez, Noticia biográfica, p. 278Google Scholar; Carranza, San Dionisio, p. 222.

63 de Alba, Guillermo Hernández (comp.), Archivo Nariño, vol. 1 (Bogotá, 1990), p. 44Google Scholar; Ots y Capdequí, Instituciones, pp. 23, 29, 90; Ortiz, Sergio E., ‘Eusebio María Canabal’ BHA, vol. 63 (1971), p. 15Google Scholar; Burkholder, Politics of a Colonial Career, p. 112; Carrizosa, José Camacho, ‘Hombres y partidos’, Repertorio Histórico, vol. 14, no. 4 (1896), p. 267Google Scholar. Judging by the scale of salaries in the Royal Mint of Bogotá, it might be assumed that high bureaucrats were paid between 2,000 and 4,000 pesos a year, middle bureaucrats between 600 and 2,000 pesos, and lower bureaucrats below 600 pesos. In reality, a list of the salaries of this mint indicates that of the three highest officials – the superintendente, the contador, and the tesorero – the first earned 3,000 pesos a year, and the other two earned 2,000 pesos. The oficial mayor had a salary of 680 pesos, and the socalled peones earned just 144 pesos a year. Only three manual labourers, the ensayadores and talladores (probably qualified technicians or even artists) had salaries of 1,000 and even 1,600 a year. V., A. M. Barriga, Historia de la Casa de la Moneda, vol. 2 (Bogotá, 1969), pp. 116–17Google Scholar; see also Caro, Francisco J., ‘Diario de todos los acontecimientos que van ocurriendo en esta cámara y del Virreynato del Nuevo Reyno de Granada’ [1788], in Picón, Alirio Gómez, Francisco Javier Caro. Tronco hispano de los Cans en Colombia (Bogotá, 1977), pp. 292Google Scholar, 296. Salaries seem to have been much higher in Mexico, where some fiscal jobs, such as the superintendencia of the local mint, were paid 6,000 pesos, twice as much as in New Granada. Arnold, Bureaucrats and Bureaucracy, pp. 131–52; Socolow, Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, pp. 110–11, 166–7.

64 One of them, Nicolás Mesía Caicedo, was oidor in Manila; two more, Joaquín Mosquera y Figueroa and Manuel del Campo y Rivas, in Mexico; another, Luis de Robledo y Alvarez, in Santo Domingo; and three more, Francisco Xavier Moreno y Escandón, Ignacio Tenorio and Andrés José de Iriarte y Rojas, were in Quito, the first two as oidores, the third as fiscal. García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual; Burkholder, Mark and Chandler, D. S., From Impotence to Authority: The Spanish Crown and the American Audiencias, 1687–1808 (Columbia, 1977)Google Scholar; Restrepo, José M., Biografías de los mandatarios y ministros de la Real Audiencia (1671–1819) (Bogoté, 1952)Google Scholar; Arboleda, Diccionario biográfico, p. 426; Peña, José Antonio Torres, Memorias sobre los orígenes de la independencia nacional (Bogotá, 1960)Google Scholar.

65 Restrepo, Autobiografía, p. II. A copy of the late colonial ‘Práctico arancel de regular costas procesales’ can be found in AHN, Consejo de Estado, I: 28–35.

66 AHN, Notaria ia. Escr., 3 January 1810, pp. 1–2.

67 In the case of the Administratión de Aguardientes in Cartagena, for instance, it seems that lawyer Eusebio María Canabal paid 10,000 pesos for the job in 1808, and in exchange expected to receive around 6 per cent of the rents collected. Enrique Ricaurte, Ortega, Proceso histórico del 20 de Julio (Bogotá, 1960), p. 12Google Scholar; Galavís, Eustaquio, ‘Relación exacta y circunstanciada de todos los empleos políticos… 1787’, in Rojas, Ulises, Corregidores y justicias mayores de Tunja y su provincia desde la fundación de la ciudad hasta 1817 (Tunja, 1962), pp. 578–88Google Scholar; Archivo Histórico de Tunja, vol. 318, fols. 407–13; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix C.

68 Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, p. 156; Twinam, Miners, Merchants; Vargas, Sociedad de Santafé; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

69 Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

70 A study of all the procesillos followed in the colegios mayores of New Granada mentions various examples of students whose admission was questioned because of their fathers' economic activity. One of them was the son of a wealthy merchant trading in wax; another the son of a baker; another the son of a platero de oro, or goldsmith. As noted earlier, even medicine and surgery were considered oficios viles until the late eighteenth century. Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, pp. 163–4. See also ‘Madrid, 14 de julio de 1768. Real orden sobre lo propuesto en cuanto a estatuto de legitimidad y limpieza de sangre para entrar en colegios y graduarse en las universidades y recibirse de abogado’, in Konetzke, Richard (ed.), Colección de documentos para la historia de la formatión social hispanoamericana, vol. 2 (Madrid, 1962), p. 340Google Scholar.

71 AHN, Anexo, Instrucción Pública, 4: 366–441; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix C. Some victims of the 1780s exclusions complained about oidor Joaquín Mosquera's capricious and unspecified influence in the decisions. Gorí was denied admission without even having presented proof of his social background.

72 Silva, ‘Escolares y catedráticos’, pp. 145–79.

73 In July 1804, a royal cédula abolished the Colegio de San Bartolomé's privilege of keeping silent as to the reasons for rejecting an applicant. AHN, Anexo, Instructión Publica, 4: 372.

74 Polo confronted opposition from some lawyers and the local cabildo. His case lasted at least ten years; he was finally allowed to retain the law degree he had already been granted. AHN, Colegios, 2: 231–63; Jaramillo Uribe, ‘Mestizaje y diferenciación’, pp. 35, 39–40. In New Spain during the late eighteenth century applicants with ‘strains of black or Indian blood in their families’ were also admitted to law school after some litigation; by the late 1780s, Miguel Gerónimo Cequo y Morales, an Indian from Cholula, was practising law in Puebla as an attorney for prisoners and fellow Indians. See Kicza, John E., ‘The Legal Community of Late Colonial Mexico: Social Composition and Career Patterns’, unpubl. ms., c. 1984, p. 5Google Scholar.

75 See ‘Madrid, 23 de julio de 1765. Real cédula para que no se admita a ningun mulato a grado alguno en la Universidad de Santa Fe de Bogotá’, in Richard Konetzke (ed.), Colección de documentos, vol. 2, p. 331.

76 Cuervo, Colección de documentos, vol. 2, p. 372; AHN, Colegios, 2: 231–63; ‘Aranjuez, 16 de marzo de 1797. Real cédula dispensando a Pedro Antonio de Ayarza la calidad de Pardo’, in Konetzke, Colección de documentos, vol. 2, p. 757.

77 Twinam, Miners, Merchants; Escorcia, José, Sociedad y economía en el Valle el Cauca. Desarrollo político, social, y económico, 1800–1854 (Bogotá, 1983)Google Scholar; Colmenares, Germán, Sociedad y economía en el Valle del Cauca. Cali: terratenientes, mineros, y comerciantes. Siglo XVIII (Bogotá, 1983)Google Scholar; Uribe, María T. and Alvarez, Jesús M., ‘El parentesco y la formatión de las élites en la Provincia de Antioquia’, Estudios Sociaks, Fundación Antioqueña para los Estudios Sociales (FAES), vol. 3 (1988), pp. 51–93Google Scholar. On the upward social mobility of pardos from the 1760s and beyond see comparative comments by Blackburn, Robin, The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 (London, 1988), pp. 335–6Google Scholar.

78 Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A. The only other Spanish colony in America about whose lawyers' social history and background we have some professional information and analysis is Mexico. See Kicza, ‘The Legal Community’, pp. 5–7. Fragmentary evidence and analyses exist for Argentina. See Colombres, Carlos A. Luque, Abogados en Córdoba del Tucumán (Córdoba, 1943)Google Scholar; and Cutolo, Abogados y escribanos. Finally, there are some edited collections of documents concerning Venezuelan lawyers. See Chuecos, Héctor García, Abogados de la colonia (Caracas, 1958)Google Scholar and Los abogados de la colonia (Caracas, 1965). On other regions see also notes 2 and 5.

79 Martínez Recamán, through his father's modest connections, bought his way up to the middling job of asesor of the Bogotá Cajas Reales by the late 1780s. Gamba Valencia rose to high jobs after the revolution. See BNC, F. Pineda, 1066: 127; García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual, p. 172; Arboleda, Diccionario biográfico, p. 173; Angel, Manuel Uribe, ‘Recuerdos de un viaje a Medellín’, BHA, vol. 2, no. 17 (1904)Google Scholar; Gamba, Benjamín Pereira, ‘Miguel Gamba’, BHA, vol. 3, no. 34 (1906), pp. 621–5Google Scholar.

80 The same seems to have been true for Buenos Aires's bureaucrats. Socolow, Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, pp. 196–9.

81 The cases of Francisco Antonio Moreno y Escandón and Manuel del Campo y Rivas roughly fit this description, except that the latter remained a bachelor his entire life. Others, like Francisco de Tordecillas, had less successful careers. Rojas, Corregidores, p. 597; Vergara y Vergara, Don Antonio de Vergara Azcárate, vol. 1, pp. 131–80. The mechanics of some of the appointment processes are discussed by Burkholder, Politics of a Colonial Career, pp. 30–43.

82 In 1787, at a time when Bourbon policies were, paradoxically, supposedly trying to prevent local society from influencing colonial bureaucracy, Mosquera y Figueroa became the only native Creole appointed oidor to the Bogotá audiencia in the entire eighteenth century, with the exception of Juan Ricaurte, who served as interim oidor for a short period in April 1718. Aragón, Arcesio, ‘Un regente de España, nacido en Popayán, en el Nuevo Reino de Granada’, Revista de Indias, vol. 36 (1949), pp. 307–11Google Scholar; Restrepo, Biografías de los mandatarios, pp. 337–8; Burkholder and Chandler, From Impotence to Authority; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

83 See the example of the Creole Flórez clan who, through positions in the cathedral, the fiscal bureaucracy and the audiencia, built a powerful network of power in the early eighteenth century. Colmenares, Germán, ‘Factores de la vida política: el Nuevo Reino de Granada en el siglo XVIII (1730–1740)’, in Manual de historia de Colombia, vol. I (Bogotá, 1982), pp. 395–402Google Scholar.

84 One of his sisters was married to Pedro Romero Sarachaga, escribano de cámara of the local audiencia from 1766 to at least 1777, and a wealthy landowner. Caicedo's brother Fernando was the parish priest of the local cathedral from 1794 to 1802 and later became a high ranking member of the church hierarchy. Another brother, Luis, was a wealthy landowner. Restrepo and Rivas, Genealogias; ‘Relatión de los méritos … Pedro Romero Sarachaga’. DBNC, F. Pineda, 372; also Figure 2 in this article.

85 Francisco Gaona de la Bastida (1755–1799), Caicedo's father-in-law, owned at least two major haciendas, one of which was valued in 1779 at 12,300 patacones, a considerable amount. Pardo Umaña, Haciendas, pp. 164, 215–16; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

86 Restrepo and Rivas, Genealogías, p. 165; Sandra Montgomery, ‘The Bourbon Mining Reform in New Granada’, in Fisher et al. (eds.), Reform and Insurrection, pp. 51–3.

87 Caicedo was suspended from the legal profession as a suspect of conspiracy in the mid1790s. See Sarmiento, Germán Pérez (ed.), Causas célebres a los precursores…copias fieles y exactas de los originates que se guardan en el Archivo General de Indias, vol. 1 (Bogotá, 1939), p. 92Google Scholar; Victor M. Uribe, ‘“Kill all the Lawyers”: Lawyers and the Independent Movement in New Granada, 1809–1820’, The Americas (forthcoming).

88 See also the case of the young lawyer José Valdés, who arrived in New Granada in early 1809 with the position of corregidor of the important region of Socorro and was promoted to oidor of Guatemala in less than a decade. Rodríguez Plata, La antigua Provincia, pp. 190–3.

89 Antonio Benito del Casal y Freiria served in Tunja from 1733 to at least 1738. He was also appointed teniente capitan general during these years, and was finally transferred to Maracaibo in 1740 as gobernador y comandante general. Rojas, Corregidores y justicias, p. 507; Restrepo, José M. and Rivas, Raimundo, Genealogías de Santafé de Bogotá (Bogotá, 1928), pp. 225–6Google Scholar; Pinzón, Hermes Tovar, ‘El estado colonial frente al poder local y regional’, Nova Americana, vol. 5 (1982), p. 51Google Scholar.

90 Phelan, John L., ‘El auge y la caída de los criollos en la Audiencia de la Nueva Granada’, BHA, vol. 49, no. 697–8 (1972), p. 607Google Scholar; idem, People and the King, pp. 14, 21; Tovar Pinzón, ‘El estado colonial’, p. 51; Restrepo and Rivas, Genealogías, pp. 17–23; Hernández de Alba, Archivo Nariño, vol. 1; McFarlane, Colombia before Independence, pp. 238–45.

91 Twinam, Miners, Merchants; Colmenares, Cali: terratenientes; Moscote, José D. and Arce, Enrique, La vida ejemplar de Justo Arosemena (Panama, 1956)Google Scholar. In Cartagena, the high status of merchants José Miguel Pombo and José María García de Toledo underscores the increasing power of this economic group. See Molinares, Gabriel Jiménez, Linajes cartageneros, vol. 2 (Cartagena, 1958), pp. 3–69Google Scholar; Melo, Jorge O., ‘José Ignacio de Pombo’, in Comercio y contrabando en Cartagena de Indias. 2 de junio de 1800 (Bogotá, 1986), pp. 7–10Google Scholar; McFarlane, Anthony J., ‘Economic and Political Change in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, with Special Reference to Overseas Trade, 1739–1810’, unpubl. PhD diss., London School of Economics and Political Science, 1977Google Scholar.

92 Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A; Restrepo, Biografías de los mandatarios. On marriage licences and restrictions see Richard Konetzke, Colección de documentos, docs. 73, 134–5, 185, 193, 213, 252, 262, 271, 310, 335, 357. On the participation of the montepíos (agencies providing pensions for the survival of civil functionaries in the Spanish Empire) in the enforcement of royal marriage policy in th e late eighteenth century see Chandler, Dewitt S., Social Assistance and Bureaucratic Politics: The Montepíos of Colonial Mexico, 1767–1821 (Albuquerque, 1991)Google Scholar, ch. 3.

93 Stein, Stanley J., ‘Bureaucracy and Business in the Spanish Empire, 1759–1804: Failure of Bourbon Reform in Mexico and Peru’, HAHR, vol. 61, no. 1 (1981)Google Scholar; Barbier, Jacques A., Reform and Politics in Bourbon Chile, 1755–1766 (Ottawa, 1980)Google Scholar, chs. 8–9; Salvucci, Linda K., ‘Costumbres viejas, hombres nuevos: José de Galvis y la burocracia fiscal novohispana (1754–1800)’, Historia Mexicana, vol. 33, no. 2 (1983), pp. 224–64Google Scholar; Socolow, Bureaucrats of Buenos Aires, pp. 193–228; Arnold, Bureaucracy and Bureaucrats; Deans-Smith, Susan, Bureaucrats, Planters, and Workers: The Making of the Tobacco Monopoly in Bourbon Mexico (Austin, 1992)Google Scholar.

94 The most recent evaluation of such reforms has been offered by Allan Kuethe, who has pointed out that in contrast to New Spain and Peru, the Bourbon reforms had a relatively minor impact in New Granada. Kuethe, ‘The Early Reforms of Charles III in the Viceroyalty of New Granada, 1759–1776’, in Fisher et al. (eds.), Reform and Insurrection, pp. 19–53. See also Phelan, ‘El auge y la caída’; idem, People and the King, p. 17; McFarlane, ‘Economic and Political Change’; Kuethe, Military Reform; Stein, ‘Bureaucracy and Business’; Tovar Pinzón, ‘El estado colonial’; Salvucci, ‘Costumbres viejas’.

95 On elite families and the late colonial bureaucracy see also Phelan, ‘El auge y la caída’; Uricoechea, José M., ‘Noticias genealógicas’, BHA, vol. 58, no. 675–7 (1971) pp. 33–101Google Scholar; Tovar Pinzón, ‘El estado colonial’; McFarlane, ‘Economic and Political Change’; Jorge O. Melo, ‘Retrato de un burócrata colonial’.

96 One of Don José's early nineteenth-century descendants left a detailed genealogical description of his family, titled ‘Relatión genealógica de Felipe de Vergara Azcárate de Avila, Caicedo, Vélez, Ladrón de Guevara. Contiene una serie ordenada de los matrimonios que sus ascendientes paternos y maternos han celebrado en Indias desde el tiempo en que vinieron a este Nuev o Reyno de Granada sus primeros conquistadores hasta el presente. La escribo para el uso y noticia de mis sobrinos’. See printed version in de Vergara, Felipe, Relación genealógica [1810] (Bogotá, 1962), p. 102Google Scholar.

97 On Don José's encomienda see Villamarín, Juan, ‘Encomenderos and Indians in the Formation of Colonial Society in the Sabana de Bogotá, 1537 to 1740’, unpubl. PhD diss., Brandeis University, 1972, p. 389Google Scholar. For corregidores' typical careers see Ulises Rojas, Corregidores; for general comments and references see Stein, ‘Bureaucracy and Business’.

98 Stoller, Richard, ‘Liberalism and Conflict in Socorro, Colombia, 1830–1870’, unpubl. PhD diss., Duke University, 1991, p. 31Google Scholar; Phelan, The People and the King, p. 39.

99 Escandón, Francisco A. Moreno y, ‘Estado del Virreynato de Santafé, Nuevo Reino de Granada, y relación de su gobierno y mando … 1772’, BHA, vol. 23, no. 264–5; (1936), pp. 547–616Google Scholar; Nariño, ‘Ensayo sobre administración’, pp. 75–6.

100 Gómez, El tribuno, p. 236; Charles Harris, A Mexican Family Empire; Correa, ‘Jorge Ramón de Posada’, pp. 11–29; Plazas, Genealogías de Neiva, p. 112; Umaña, Haciendas de la Sabana, pp. 77–81.

101 See Restrepo and Rivas, Genealogías, pp. 161–2; Pardo Umaña, Haciendas de la Sabana; Villamarín, ‘Encomenderos and Indians’, pp. 338–47, 403–6; ‘Documento Histórico’, BHA, vol. 6, no. 61 (1909), pp. 31, 36.

102 de Ocáriz, Iván Flórez, Genealogías del Nuevo Keyno de Granada [1674], vol. 2 (Bogotá, 1955), p. 103Google Scholar; vol. 3, PP. 186–7; Vergara y Vergara, Don Antonio de Vergara Azcárate, vol. 1, p. 63; Villamarín, ‘Encomenderos and Indians’, pp. 388–9, 402, 410.

103 Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, ch. 2.

104 He married a daughter of Jorge Miguel Lozano de Peralta, a large landholder who held the title Marqués de San Jorge. Plazas, Francisco de P., ‘Los Marqueses de San Jorge’, BHA, vol. 58, no. 678–80 (1971), pp. 261–8Google Scholar; Vergara y Vergara, Don Antonio Vergara Azcárate, vol. 1, p. 139.

105 Vergara, Relación, p. 239; ‘Sanz de Santamarfa’, BHA, vol. 57, no. 666–8 (1970), pp. 261–82; Vergara y Vergara, Antonio Vergara Azcárate, vol. I, pp. 223, 226; García de la Guardia, Kalendorio manual, p. 203.

106 Vergara, Relación, p. 242.

107 In 1807 Tadeo, a lawyer, was asesor of Reales Rentas in Honda, a neighbouring town to Bogotá; Isidro was meritorio in the Contaduría General after 1804, and by 1815 was tesorero of the royal mint; Francisco Gregorio was oficial in the Reales Cajas during the early 1810s. Vergara y Vergara, Don Antonio Vergara Azcárate, vol. 2, pp. 13, 17, 40.

108 García de la Guardia, Kalendario manual; Uribe, ‘Rebellion of the Mandarins’, appendix A.

109 Uribe, ‘“Kill all the Lawyers”’.

110 Bendix, Reinhard, National Building and Citizenship (Berkeley, 1964), p. 39Google Scholar; Morse, Richard, ‘The Heritage of Latin America’, in Hartz, Louis (ed.), The Founding of New Societies (New York, 1964), pp. 123–77Google Scholar; Sarfatti, Magali, Spanish Bureaucratic Patrimonialism in America (Berkeley, 1966)Google Scholar; Spalding, Essays; Lynch, ‘Institutional Framework’.