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Theological and Political Liberalisms

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 April 2015

Extract

Several highly critical theological responses to political liberalism have appeared in recent years. John Milbank, continuing his onslaught on all things modern, complains that political liberalism's “empty heart” suffers from a “totalitarian drift” toward “an increasingly joyless and puritanical world.” For Oliver O'Donovan, liberalism is “a false posture of transcendence” and modernity is “conceived as Antichrist, a parodie and corrupt development of Christian social order.” Robert Song warns against “the partial and limited character” of liberalism's freedoms and proclaims that “a responsible theology will learn to articulate its ‘No’” to liberal political society. Other commentators offer critiques of particular aspects of political liberalism, often suggesting revisions based on their own theological perspectives. These critical voices join others such as Stanley Hauerwas, one of liberalism's most outspoken theological critics for more than a quarter century, and they continue a line of critique that extends back through Reinhold Niebuhr and Karl Barth.

Not all the theological voices are critical. Christophe Insole, for example, finds that “politically liberal principles are compatible with a full-blooded and theologically main-stream Christian commitment.” Several Roman Catholic theologians have commented on the increasing mutuality between liberal democracy and Roman Catholic political and social teachings. Paul Sigmund notes that “the relation between Catholicism and liberal democracy has now become a positive and, one would hope, a mutually reinforcing one, even if there are a number of continuing tensions between them.” And Daniel Dombrowski offers a general defense of Rawlsian liberalism against claims that it is hostile to religion.

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Copyright © Center for the Study of Law and Religion at Emory University 2008

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References

1. Milbank, John, Being Reconciled: Ontology and Pardon 25 (Routledge 2003)Google Scholar. See my critique of Milbank's “radical orthodoxy,” in Rasor, Paul, Faith Without Certainty: Liberal Theology in the 21st Century 7880 (Skinner House 2005)Google Scholar.

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3. Id. at 275.

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5. Id. at 215. Song argues that the church must also offer “a careful and tentative ‘Yes,’” id. at 230, by finding ways to engage in public life rather than withdraw from it.

6. See e.g. Johnson, Kristen Deede, Theology, Political Theory, and Pluralism: Beyond Tolerance and Difference 5266 (Cambridge U. Press 2007)Google Scholar (challenging political liberalism's contribution to toleration); Thiemann, Ronald F., Religion in Public Life: A Dilemma for Democracy 95144 (Georgetown U. Press 1996)Google Scholar (challenging political liberalism's account of public reason).

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17. Id.

18. Id.

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37. See Rasor, supra n. 1, at 22-23.

38. See United Nations International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), Art. 18, §§ 1-2 (available at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_ccpr.htm); United Nations Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief (1981), Art. 1, §§ 1-2 (available at http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/d_intole.htm).

39. Hodgson, supra n. 20, at 14.

40. Id. at 20.

41. Kaufman, supra n. 35, at 42.

42. See Rasor, supra n. 1, at 141-163.

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45. Id. at 19 (emphasis in original).

46. Id. at 69. Hodgson develops this liberal “freedom project” at length in id. at 67-98.

47. For more complete treatment of this development, see Rasor, supra n. 1, at 89-102.

48. Kaufman, supra n. 35, at 157.

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59. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 8.

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64. Id. at xlvi.

65. Id. at 10.

66. Galston, supra n. 53, at 5.

67. See Id. at 8-9.

68. I offer a preliminary exploration of this issue in Reclaiming Prophetic Liberalism: Liberal Religion in the Public Square, public lecture delivered at Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge, Mass., Feb. 4, 2008 (on file with author).

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71. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 290.

72. Id. at 293.

73. Galston, supra n. 53, at 60.

74. Id. at 3.

75. Id. at 84.

76. Id. at 29.

77. See id. at 81-92.

78. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 292.

79. Id. at 291.

80. See id. at 4-8, 308-310.

81. Id. at 291.

82. Id. at 159.

83. Perry, supra n. 70, at 35.

84. Greenawalt, supra n. 69, at 129.

85. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 308; and see id. at 293.

86. See id. at 365.

87. Id. at 291. Rawls has offered various formulation of this principle, but these variations may be ignored for my purposes.

88. Id. at 291.

89. See id. at 81.

90. Dworkin, Ronald, Sovereign Virtue: The Theory and Practice of Equality 237 (Harv. U. Press 2000)Google Scholar.

91. Id. at 11 (emphasis added). See Dworkin, Ronald, A Matter of Principle 190 (Harv. U. Press 1985)Google Scholar.

92. Dworkin describes this in terms of “equal concern and respect.” Dworkin, A Matter of Principle, supra n. 91, at 190. The term “equal concern” apparently intends no change in meaning.

93. Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue, supra n. 90, at 1.

94. Galston specifically locates Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue, in his comprehensive/monist category. Galston, supra n. 53, at 8.

95. Waldron, Jeremy, God, Locke, and Equality: Christian Foundations of Locke's Political Thought 2 (Cambridge U. Press 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

96. See id. at 6.

97. Id. at 13.

98. Id.

99. Id. at 21.

100. In Fiorenza, Francis Schüssler, The Influence of Feminist Theory on My Theological Work, 7, J. Feminist Stud. Religion 95, at 104-105 (Spring 1991)Google Scholar, Fiorenza refers to Dworkin to illustrate a theological point.

101. Perry, supra n. 70, at 36 (emphasis in original).

102. Sandel, Michael, Public Philosophy: Essays on Morality in Politics 161164 (Harv. U. Press 2005)Google Scholar.

103. Id. at 162.

104. Sandel, Michael, Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Philosophy 12 (Harv. U. Press 1996)Google Scholar.

105. Sandel, Public Philosophy, supra n. 102, at 172.

106. Id. at 164.

107. Walzer, Michael, Politics and Passion: Toward a More Egalitarian Liberalism 3 (Yale U. Press 2004)Google Scholar.

108. Id. at 13.

109. Greenawalt, Kent, Religious Convictions and Political Choice 22 (Oxford U. Press 1988)Google Scholar.

110. Walzer, supra n. 107, at 162.

111. Sandel, Michael, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice (Cambridge U. Press 1982)Google Scholar, is in many ways an extended conversation and debate with Rawls.

112. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 19.

113. See id.

114. Id. at 81.

115. Id. at 301.

116. See id. at 15-22.

117. Insole, supra n. 10, at 50.

118. The most important exception is Jürgen Habermas, who has developed a complex theory of the self as fully social or intersubjective in nature, while also accounting for the emergence of a fully individualized self. However, even minimally adequate treatment of Habermas's theory would vastly overextend this discussion. See Rasor, Paul, Intersubjective Communication and the Self in Wieman and Habermas, 21 Am. J. Theology & Phil. 269 (2000)Google Scholar. See also Benhabib, supra n. 52.

119. Walzer, supra n. 107, at 20.

120. Rawls, supra n. 51, at xviii.

121. Galston, supra n. 53, at 23.

122. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 304.

123. Many liberals who object to religious arguments in the public square, for example, often simply assume that religious convictions are necessarily grounded in supernatural or mystical sources that lie beyond the reach of reason, or in texts or institutions whose authority is limited to particular groups. Examples include Audi, Robert, Religious Commitment and Secular Reason 34-35, 116117 (Cambridge U. Press 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sweetman, Brendan, Why Politics Needs Religion: The Place of Religious Arguments in the Public Square 8693 (Inter Varsity Press 2006)Google Scholar; and Ackerman, Bruce, Social Justice in the Liberal State 281 (Yale U. Press 1980)Google Scholar. But this is an unfortunately narrow view of religion, and it is simply not true of religious liberalism.

124. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 13.

125. On the dilemmas of liberal religious identity, see Rasor, Paul, Postmodernity, Globalization, and the Challenge of Identity in Liberal Theology, in The Home We Share: Globalization, Post-Modernism and Unitarian/Universalist Theology (Reed, Clifford M. & McAllister, Jill K. eds., Intl. Council Unitarians & Universalists 2007)Google Scholar. On the role of religious identity in liberal democracy, see Gutmann, Amy, Identity in Democracy 151191 (Princeton U. Press 2003)Google Scholar.

126. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 64.

127. Galston, supra n. 53, at 124.

128. Id. at 126.

129. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 64, n. 19.

130. Galston, supra n. 53, at 3.

131. Id. at 23.

132. Rawls, John, A Theory of Justice 220 (Harv. U. Press 1971)Google Scholar.

133. Sandel, supra n. 104, at 10.

134. Id.

135. Id.

136. Rawls, supra n. 51, at 173.

137. Id. at 210.

138. The Principles and Purposes of the Unitarian Universalist Association, for example, provide that the member congregations “covenant to affirm and promote … a free and responsible search for truth and meaning,” among other things. UUA Bylaws, Art. II, § C-2.1, supra n. 33.

139. See e.g. Kaufman, supra n. 35, at 411, 491-492 n. 5.

140. I have often thought it ironic that the philosopher (Rawls) who most insists that a political conception of justice should not be comprehensive has produced philosophical works far more comprehensive and systematic than the work of most contemporary theologians.

141. Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, The Social Contract: Or Principles of Political Right 5 (Tozer, H.J. trans., Wordsworth 1998)Google Scholar. Walzer makes this point in Politics and Passion, supra n. 107, at 2.

142. Insole, supra n. 10, at vii.

143. Id.

144. Id. at 123.

145. Id. at 87.

146. Id. at 123.

147. Id. at 49.

148. See Welch, Sharon D., A Feminist Ethic of Risk 1321 (Fortress 1990)Google Scholar.

149. Insole, supra n. 10, at 175.

150. Walzer, supra n. 107, at x.