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Islam in Champa and the Making of Factitious History

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2017

STEPHEN G. HAW
STEPHEN G. HAW*
Affiliation:
Royal Asiatic Societys.g.haw@wadh.oxon.org
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Abstract

Since their first publication in 1922, two Islamic inscriptions formed an essential basis of the early history of Islam in Champa. Recently, however, they have been shown to have originated, not from Southeast Asia, but from Tunisia. It is clear that either there was an error regarding their provenance, or it was deliberately falsified. The implications of this are discussed, and the remaining evidence of early Islamic presence in Champa is reassessed. It is suggested that there is now no good evidence of any Islamic presence there until after the sixteenth century. In relation to this issue, the maritime links between China and the Islamic world are examined, as also are other examples of possible falsification of history.

Type
Research Article
Information
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society , Volume 28 , Issue 4 , October 2018 , pp. 717 - 747
Copyright
Copyright © The Royal Asiatic Society 2017 

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References

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2 Maspéro, Georges, Le royaume de Champa (Paris and Bruxelles, 1928)Google Scholar. This work was originally published as a series of articles in T'oung Pao, 1910–13, but obviously the reference to the later article by Ravaisse was added for the 1928 edition. There is an English translation of this work: Maspéro, Georges, The Champa Kingdom: The History of an Extinct Vietnamese Culture (Bangkok, 2002)Google Scholar. A Chinese translation by Feng Chengjun 馮承鈞 dates from 1928. It is a translation of the articles from T'oung Pao, and does not contain any reference to Ravaisse's article of 1922. It has been published in several editions by the Commercial Press (Shangwu yinshuguan 商務印書館), in both Taibei and Beijing. The French edition of 1928 was reprinted as recently as 1988 by the École française d'Extrême-Orient.

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6 Ravaisse, “Deux inscriptions”, pp. 247–248. Translation: “The two Arabic inscriptions which form the object of this study were discovered, fifteen or twenty years ago, ‘at a point not far distant from the coast of Annam, by a French naval officer’, who, on the spot, made the precious rubbings of them which will be found reproduced here, as well as a sketch. . . . When he returned from Indochina, this officer, whose name is no longer known, saw fit to pass his small epigraphic harvest to the learned scholar of Indian studies A. Barth, who, as soon as he set eyes on them, considered it better to hand them on to his colleague at the Institute, H. Derenbourg . . . . But, shortly before his death, H. Derenbourg . . . passed the three wandering pieces of paper to me, giving me only the very summary information about these very rare inscriptions, the place and date of their discovery, and their discoverer, which you have just read. It is probable that he had learned nothing more about them from Barth.”

7 Finot, Louis, “G. Maspéro: Le royaume de Champa”. Compte rendu. Bulletin de l’École française d'Extrême-Orient XXVIII, 1 (1928), p. 286Google Scholar. Translation: “It would be very hazardous to place complete confidence in documents of such vague origin. Far from being able to assert that they were found ‘in the south of Champa’, as Maspéro writes, one is justified in wondering if they even come from Annam”.

8 Confusingly, the French Protectorate of Annam was what is now central Vietnam, while what was historically Annam (Chinese: Annan 安南), the north of Vietnam, was approximately the French Protectorate of Tonkin.

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15 Ravaisse, Paul, Une lampe sépulchrale en verre émaillé au nom d'Arghūn en-Nāsiri (Paris, 1931)Google Scholar; Wiet, Gaston, “Les lampes d'Arghūn”, Syria XIV, 2 (1933), pp. 203–206CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Weill, Jean David, “Livres nouveaux: Paul Ravaisse, Une lampe sépulchrale en verre émaillé au nom d'Arghūn en-Nāsiri. Un vol. in-8o. Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1933 [i.e. 1931]”, Journal des Savants Mars–Avril 1934, pp. 88–91Google Scholar.

16 Zhancheng 占城.

17 Wu 巫.

18 阿羅和及拔.

19 Tuotuo 脱脱, et al., Song shi 宋史 (Beijing, 1977), Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14078.

20 Durand, R. P., “Les Chams Banis”, Bulletin de l’École française d'Extrême-Orient III (1903), p. 55 n. 1: “Note de M. Ed. Huber”Google Scholar.

21 Finot, “Maspéro: Le royaume de Champa”, pp. 285–286.

22 Late Middle Chinese: kɦip pɦāt; Pulleyblank, Edwin G., Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin (Vancouver, 1991), pp. 27, 140Google Scholar; ‘Phags-pa Chinese [13th century]: ki pwo; Coblin, W. South, Handbook of ‘Phags-pa Chinese (Honolulu, 2007), pp. 120, 170Google Scholar.

23 Aymonier, Étienne and Cabaton, Antoine, Dictionnaire čam-français (Paris, 1906), p. 59Google Scholar. Aymonier and Cabaton give the Javanese form of this word, which occurs in many Austronesian languages, as kebo. Thurgood gives a reconstructed Proto-Chamic form kabaw, and suggests that it is a Mon-Khmer loanword; Thurgood, Graham, From Ancient Cham to Modern Dialects: Two Thousand Years of Language Contact and Change (Honolulu, 1999), pp. 183, 322Google Scholar.

24 Finot, “Maspéro: Le royaume de Champa”, p. 286.

25 Manguin, “Introduction of Islam into Campa”, p. 16 n. 12; Manguin, “L'Introduction de l'Islam au Campā”, p. 258 n. 2. Manguin does not appear to have been aware of Finot's comments on this subject: he does not cite Finot, nor is any work by Finot listed in the bibliography of this article. His judgment was apparently completely independent.

26 Wade, Geoff, “The ‘Account of Champa’ in the Song Huiyao Jigao”, in The Cham of Vietnam: History, Society and Art, (eds) Phuong, Tran Ky and Lockhart, Bruce M. (Singapore, 2011), p. 143Google Scholar. Wade seems to have been confused regarding the edition of the Song huiyao jigao with which he was working: he says (p. 139) that it was the Song huiyao jigao bubian 宋會要輯稿补編, published in Beijing by the Zhonghua shuju in 1957, in eight volumes. However, this bubian is in fact a single supplementary volume published in 1988 by the Quanguo tushuguan wenxian suwei fuzhi zhongxin 全國圗書館文献缩微复制中心.

27 法顯, Faxian zhuan jiaozhu 法顯傳校注, annotated by Zhang Xun. 章巽, (Beijing, 2008), p. 154.

28 薩薄.

29 Hirth, Friedrich and Rockhill, W.W., Chau Ju-kua, His work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the twelfth and thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï, translated from the Chinese and annotated (St Petersburg, 1911), p. 3Google Scholar. Hirth and Rockhill themselves recognised that “phonetic coincidence is but poor evidence on which to base identifications”; p. 166 n. 1.

30 Pelliot, Paul, “Bulletin Critique: Friedrich Hirth et W.W. Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua, His work on the Chinese and Arab Trade in the twelfth and thirteenth Centuries, entitled Chu-fan-chï, traduit et annoté, St Pétersbourg, Imprimerie de l'Académie des Sciences, 1912 [i.e. 1911] . . .” T'oung Pao series II, XIII (1912), pp. 456–457Google Scholar.

31 大食; Tuotuo, et al., Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14078.

32 Zhou Qufei 周去非, Lingwai daida jiaozhu 嶺外代答校注, annotated by Yang Wuquan 楊武泉 (Beijing, 1999), juan 3, p. 99.

33 Wink, André, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Vol. 2, The Slave Kings and the Islamic Conquest, 11th – 13th centuries (Leiden, 1997), p. 121Google Scholar.

34 Goitein, S. D. and Friedman, Mordechai Akiva, India Traders of the Middle Ages: Documents from the Cairo Geniza (‘India Book’) (Leiden, 2008), pp. 3–8Google Scholar.

35 Yule, Henry (trans. and ed.), Cathay and the Way Thither: being a collection of medieval notices of China, new edition., Vol. 2, Odoric of Pordenone (London, 1913), pp. 114–115Google Scholar.

36 Shepo 闍婆.

37 Tuotuo, et al., Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14091.

38 Damais, Louis-Charles, “Études soumatranaises: III. La langue B des inscriptions de Śrī Wijaya”, Bulletin de l’École française d'Extrême-Orient LIV (1968), p. 562Google Scholar; the Late Middle Chinese pronunciation of Dashi was tɦa` ʂɦi k; Pulleyblank, Lexicon, pp. 69, 283.

39 The idea that Dashi had two distinct meanings is not new. It has been suggested that, in the context of Southeast Asia, it referred to Tumasik (Singapore); Jiarong, Chen 陳佳榮, Fang, Xie 謝方 and Junling, Lu 陸峻嶺, Gudai Nanhai diming huishi 古代南海地名彙釋 (Beijing, 1986), p. 136Google Scholar.

40 悉莫.

41 訶陵.

42 Xiu, Ouyang 歐陽修 and Qi, Song 宋祁, Xin Tang shu 新唐書 (Beijing, 1975), Vol. 20, juan 222 xia, p. 6302Google Scholar; Wade, Geoff, “Early Muslim Expansion in South-East Asia, eighth to fifteenth centuries”, in The New Cambridge History of Islam, Vol. 3, The Eastern Islamic World, Eleventh to Eighteenth Centuries, (eds) Morgan, David O. and Reid, Anthony (Cambridge, 2010), p. 367Google Scholar. Wade's translation is not entirely accurate. His “prince of the Arab lands” was no more than a Dashi jun 大食君, a “Dashi lord”, or perhaps “chief”. “Those of the Arab lands” were simply Dashi: there is no mention of “lands”.

43 On female rulers in Java, see Colless, Brian E., “Giovanni de’ Marignolli: An Italian Prelate at the Court of the South-East Asian Queen of Sheba”, Journal of Southeast Asian History IX, 2 (1968), pp. 330–331Google Scholar.

44 崑崙.

45 Ferrand, Gabriel, “Le K'ouen-louen et les anciennes navigations interocéaniques dans les mers du Sud” [part 1], Journal Asiatique 11e série, XIII (1919), p. 289Google Scholar.

46 Liu Xu 劉昫, et al., Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書, (Beijing 1975), Vol. 16, juan 197, p. 5270. Linyi was later Champa.

47 Pelliot, Paul, “Deux Itinéraires de Chine en Inde à la fin du VIIIe siècle”, Bulletin de l’École Française d'Extrême Orient IV (1904), p. 220Google Scholar. On Kunlun, see also Wyatt, Don J., The Blacks of Premodern China (Philadelphia, 2010), pp. 18–19Google Scholar.

48 Tuotuo, et al., Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14078.

49 Chinese might also have worn clothes of other fibres, especially ramie (Boehmeria nivea), but not usually of cotton, which was only just beginning to be cultivated in China at this period. For a discussion of plant fibres used to make textiles in China, see Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 5, Chemistry and Chemical Technology, pt. ix, Textile Technology: Spinning and Reeling, by Kuhn, Dieter (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 23–59Google Scholar; on cotton in China, see Pelliot, Paul, Notes on Marco Polo: ouvrage posthume, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1959), pp. 425–531Google Scholar. It must be noted, however, that the true history of cotton in China has yet to be fully elucidated. The major problem is that of confusion between cotton and kapok or silk-cotton (Bombax ceiba). It has often been considered that cloth could not be made from kapok (see, for example, Schafer, Edward H., The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley, 1963), p. 204)Google Scholar, but this is untrue. This error derives from the fact that it is impossible (or at least very difficult) to spin kapok fibres into thread using machinery, but they can be spun by hand; see Howard, Michael C., Textiles and Clothing of Vietnam: a history (Jefferson, North Carolina, 2016), pp. 11–13Google Scholar.

50 Yule, Cathay and the Way Thither, Vol. 2, p. 166.

51 Moule, A. C. and Pelliot, Paul, Marco Polo: The Description of the World, Vol. 1 (London, 1938), p. 366Google Scholar.

52 Ibid., p. 371. For the identification of “Ferlec”, see Pelliot, Paul, Notes on Marco Polo: ouvrage posthume, Vol. 2 (Paris, 1963), p. 725Google Scholar.

53 Wicks, Robert S., Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia: The Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to AD 1400 (Ithaca, 1992), p. 235Google Scholar.

54 蒲.

55 Hirth, Friedrich, “Die Insel Hainan nach Chau Ju-kua“, in Festschrift für Adolf Bastian zu seinem 70. Geburtstage 26 Juni 1896 (Berlin, 1896), p. 487 n. 1Google Scholar.

56 Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade, pp. 16–17 n. 2.

57 Jitsuzō, Kuwabara 桑原騭藏, Pu Shougeng kao 蒲壽庚考, translated by Chen Yujing 陳裕菁 (Shanghai, 1929), pp. 123–124Google Scholar.

58 Wade, Geoff, “An Earlier Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia: 900–1300 CE”, in Dynamic Rimlands and Open Heartlands: Maritime Asia as a Site of Interactions, (eds) Kayoko, Fujiko, Naoko, Makino, and Mayumi, Matsumoto [Proceedings of the Second COE-ARI Joint Workshop, 27–28 October 2006, Nagasaki Museum of History and Culture], (Ōsaka, 2007), p. 42Google Scholar; Geoff Wade, “Account of Champa”, pp. 143–144.

59 In reality, the Gujin tushu jicheng 古今圗書集成 was compiled during the early eighteenth century; Giles, Lionel, An Alphabetical Index to the Chinese Encyclopaedia Ch'in ting ku chin t'u shu chi ch'eng (London, 1911), pp. vi–viiiGoogle Scholar; Hummel, Arthur W., Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, 1644–1912 (Washington, 1943), Vol. 1, pp. 93–94Google Scholar; Loewe, Michael, The Origins and Development of Chinese Encyclopaedias (London, 1987), pp. 11–16Google Scholar; Doleželová-Velingerová, Milena and Wagner, Rudolf G. (eds), Chinese Encyclopaedias of New Global Knowledge (1870–1930): Changing Ways of Thought (Heidelberg, 2014), pp. 6–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One Chinese scholar remarked of this encyclopaedia that: “[its size] is not matched by usefulness”; Doleželová-Velingerová and Wagner (eds), Chinese Encyclopaedias, p. 253.

60 Wade, Geoff, “An Early Age of Commerce in Southeast Asia, 900–1300 CE”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies XL, 2 (2009), p. 233Google Scholar. Wade gives “10th–13th centuries” as the period of the Song and Yuan dynasties, but the Yuan dynasty continued well into the 14th century (1368).

61 For the sources concerned, see Wade, “Account of Champa”, p. 144. Wade here states that: “Some of those who fled to Southern China were Muslims”, but does not provide any evidence to support this claim.

62 On Chinese terms meaning ‘Muslim’ and ‘Islam’, see Haw, Stephen G., “The Semu ren in the Yuan Empire”, Ming Qing Yanjiu XVIII (2014), pp. 53–58Google Scholar.

63 Wade, “Early Muslim Expansion in South-east Asia’, p. 369.

64 It must be noted that the early Islamic tombstone of Leran has been shown to have arrived in Java as ship's ballast; see Kalus, Ludvik and Guillot, Claude, “Réinterprétation des plus anciennes stèles funéraires islamiques nousantariennes: II. La stèle de Leran (Java) datée de 475/1082 et les stèles associées”, Archipel LXVII (2004.), pp. 33–36Google Scholar.

65 Ferrand, Gabriel, L'Empire Sumatranais de Çrīvijaya (Paris, 1922), p. 9 n. 2Google Scholar.

66 伯.

67 Schuessler, Axel, ABC Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese (Honolulu, 2007), pp. 169–170Google Scholar.

68 Cabaton, Antoine, Nouvelles recherches sur les Chams (Paris, 1901), pp. 15–20Google Scholar.

69 Aymonier and Cabaton, Dictionnaire čam-français, p. 309.

70 The Late Middle Chinese (c. 900) pronunciation of Pu 蒲 was pɦu , according to Pulleyblank, Lexicon, p. 242. It must be noted, however, that exactly what the pronunciation of ‘standard’ Chinese was at different periods is a complex question; see Coblin, Handbook of ‘Phags-pa Chinese, pp. 44–45.

71 蒲羅中國. . .

72 蒲林國,.

73 蒲黄國. For this and the two preceding obscure countries, see Fang, Li 李昉, et al, Taiping yulan 太平御覽 (Beijing, 1960), Vol. 4, juan 787, pp. 3484–3486Google Scholar.

74 蒲甘國, very probably Pagan; see Tuotuo, et al., Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14087; Bielenstein, Hans, Diplomacy and Trade in the Chinese World, 589–1276 (Leiden, 2005), p. 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 蒲端.國. Bielenstein accepts the guess of Hirth and Rockhill that Puduan was identical with Pugan (Pagan), but this seems unlikely; see Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, p. 15. The Song shi says that Puduan was seven days’ journey east of Champa; Tuotuo, et al., Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14077. It has been plausibly suggested that it was Butuan in the Philippines; Chen Jiarong, Xie Fang and Lu Junling, Gudai Nanhai diming huishi, p. 921.

76 蒲婆國; Tuotuo, et al, Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14084.

77 蒲察元奴. Tuotuo, et al, Song shi, Vol. 35, juan 402, p. 12186. Pucha was the name of a Jurchen ‘tribe’ or clan (bu 部), which was frequently used as a family name; Tuotuo, 脱脱, et al., Jin shi 金史 (Beijing, 1975). Vol. 1, juan 1, p. 6Google Scholar.

78 開寶.

79 悉利多盤; probably Śrī [In]dravarman.

80 李耨.

81 郭氏.

82 蒲路鷄波羅.

83 Tuotuo, et al, Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 489, p. 14080; see also Song, Xu 徐松 (comp.), Song huiyao ji gao 宋會要輯稿 (Beijing, 1957), Vol. 8, ce 197, p. 7745Google Scholar. Wade erroneously gives the year 968 for this embassy; Wade, “Account of Champa”, p. 146.

84 Aymonier and Cabaton, Dictionnaire, p. 348. Pulu 蒲路: Late Middle Chinese pɦu lu `; Pulleyblank, Lexicon, pp. 200, 242. For some possibly analogous royal titles in Java at a later period, see J. Noorduyn, “The Eastern Kings in Majapahit”, appendix by Colless, Brian E, “A Note on the Names of the Kings of Java in the Ming History”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, CXXXI, 4 (1975), pp. 487–489Google Scholar.

85 李.

86 Jiaozhou 交州.

87 Wade, “Account of Champa”, p. 158.

88 Ibid., pp. 155–157.

89 李波珠.

90 Wade, “Account of Champa”, p. 156.

91 The Late Middle Chinese pronunciation of Bozhu was pua tʂyă; Pulleyblank, Lexicon, pp. 40, 413.

92 Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, Vol. 1, p. 371.

93 Ibid., p. 373. “Sumatra” here does not apply to the whole island, but to the town and “kingdom” sometimes called Samudra or Semudera.

94 鄭和.

95 馬歡.

96 鞏珍.

97 Pires, Tomé, The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires: An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca in 1512–1515, translated and edited by Cortesão, Armando (London, 1944), Vol. 1, p. 114Google Scholar.

98 Manguin, “L'Introduction de l'Islam au Campā”, pp. 267–268; Manguin, “Introduction of Islam into Campa”, p. 7.

99 Forbes, Andrew D. W., “Southern Arabia and the Islamicisation of the Central Indian Ocean Archipelagoes”, Archipel 21 (1981), pp. 61–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Allès, Élisabeth, Chérif-Chebi, Leïla and Halfon, Constance-Hélène, “L'Islam chinois, unité et fragmentation”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions CXV (2001), p. 17Google Scholar; and Bakar, Osman, “Malaysian Islam in the Twenty-First Century: The Promise of a Democratic Transformation?”, in Asian Islam in the 21st Century, (eds) Esposito, John L., Voll, John O. and Bakar, Osman (Oxford, 2008), pp. 82, 97Google Scholar.

100 Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, p. 365. Comparable claims have been made by other scholars; see, for example, George, Alain, “Direct Sea Trade Between Early Islamic Iraq and Tang China: from the Exchange of Goods to the Transmission of Ideas”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, XXV, 4 (2015), p. 584Google Scholar. The voyage of the Jewel of Muscat proves nothing, for it is not a replica of the Belitung ship: no replica could be constructed, as no trace was found of masts, rigging, or steering gear of the Belitung ship, and its stern was incomplete. “To fill in blanks, clues were derived from medieval texts, iconography, ethnographic sources and naval architecture principles”. Moreover, the “replica” was modified for safety reasons; Vosmer, Tom, “The Jewel of Muscat: Reconstructing a Ninth-century Sewn-plank Boat”, in Shipwrecked: Tang Treasures and Monsoon Winds, (ed.) Krahl, Regina (special souvenir edition), (Washington, 2011), pp. 121–123Google Scholar; Vosmer, Tom, “The Belitung shipwreck and Jewel of Muscat”, in The World in the Viking Age, (eds) Sindbæk, Søren M. and Trakadas, Athena (Roskilde, 2014), pp. 59–60Google Scholar. On the probability that the Belitung ship was Southeast Asian, not Indian or Arabian, see Haw, Stephen G., “The Maritime Routes between China and the Indian Ocean during the second to ninth centuries CE”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, XXVII, 1 (2017), pp. 77–81Google Scholar; and Stephen G. Haw, “The Genus Afzelia and the Belitung Ship” (forthcoming). It should also be noted that the Jewel of Muscat did not successfully complete a voyage from the Persian Gulf to Singapore, as has been claimed (Vosmer, “Belitung shipwreck”, p. 59): the Jewel had to be towed some 145 nautical miles to Kochi (Cochin) in India by the Indian Coast Guard ship ICGS Lakshmi Bai; see Indian Coast Guard, Western Region, News (March 2010). Available online: http://www.indiancoastguard.nic.in/Indiancoastguard/Regionnews/Western%20Region/Web/2010/Mar10.htm. Accessed 8 November 2015. There would have been no Indian Coast Guard to help in such a way in the ninth century, of course.

101 Rosser, W. H. and Imray, J. F., The Seaman's Guide to the Navigation of the Indian Ocean and China Sea; including a description of the winds, storms, tides, currents, etc. . . . (London, 1867), p. 52Google Scholar; Tibbetts, G. R., Arab Navigation in the Indian Ocean before the coming of the Portuguese: being a translation of Kitāb al-fawāidfī usūl al-bahr wa'l-qawā’id of Ahmad b. Mājid al-Najdī (London, 1971), p. 367Google Scholar.

102 Rosser and Imray, Seaman's Guide, p. 22.

103 George, “Direct Sea Trade”, p. 6; Schottenhammer, Angela, “China's Emergence as a Maritime Power”, in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 5, The Five Dynasties and Sung China, 960–1279 AD, pt. ii, (eds) Chaffee, John and Twitchett, Denis (Cambridge, 2015), p. 441Google Scholar.

104 Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida, juan 3, p. 127.

105 Ibid., juan 3, p. 126.

106 Ibid., juan 3, p. 99.

107 藍里. This place was near the northern tip of Sumatra. On Lamuri/Lambri and its location, see Tibbetts, G. R., A Study of the Arabic Texts containing material on South-East Asia (Leiden, 1979), pp. 138–140Google Scholar; Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Vol. 2, pp. 761–762; and McKinnon, E. Edwards, “Beyond Serandib: A Note on Lambri at the Northern Tip of Aceh”, Indonesia XLVI (1988), pp. 102–121CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

108 I use “Arabia” here in a broad sense, to include all the lands under Muslim Arab rule.

109 Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida, juan 3, p. 99.

110 Ibid., juan 3, pp. 126–127.

111 Marco Polo's voyage from Quanzhou to the Ilkhanate took more than a year; see Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, Vol. 1, pp. 18–19.

112 Rukuo, Zhao 趙汝适, Zhu fan zhi jiaoshi 諸蕃志校釋, annotated by Yang Bowen 楊博文 (Beijing, 2000), juan 1, p. 89Google Scholar.

113 Goitein, S. D., Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders (Princeton, 1973), pp. 208–212Google Scholar. It is difficult to be sure of the exact equivalent of the Hebrew date in the Roman calendar, not least because the year is uncertain. Goitein prefers 1169, when 22 Iyyar fell in the second half of May.

114 Ibid., pp. 197–201.

115 宣德.

116 Yunming, Zhu 祝允明, Qian wen ji 前聞記, in Congshu jicheng xin bian 叢書集成新编 (Taipei, 1985), Vol. 87, p. 617Google Scholar.

117 Needham, Joseph, Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. 4, Physics and Physical Technology, pt. iii, Civil Engineering and Nautics. (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 602–603Google Scholar; Jing, Xu 徐兢, Xuanhe jushi Gaoli tujing 宣和舉使高麗圗經, annotated by Piao Qinghui 朴慶輝 (Changchun, 1991), juan 34, p. 71Google Scholar.

118 Needham, Science and Civilisation, Vol. 4, pt. iii, p. 599.

119 Haw, “Maritime Routes” pp. 61–77.

120 Richardson, Philip L., “Drifting in the wind: leeway error in shipdrift data”, Deep-Sea Research I XLIV, 11 (1997), p. 1877Google Scholar.

121 The embassies are listed in Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, pp. 356–359. I have counted every embassy which is said to have arrived from late June until October/November as possibly having travelled by sea, as well as all embassies for which no month of arrival is indicated. I have assumed that the recorded time of arrival may have been the time when the embassy reached the Tang capital. For embassies arriving by sea, this could have been a few months after arrival at a Chinese port.

122 Holt, P. M., Lambton, Ann K. S. and Lewis, Bernard (eds), The Cambridge History of Islam, Vol. 1A, The Central Islamic Lands from Pre-Islamic Times to the First World War (Cambridge, 1970), p. 108Google Scholar.

123 Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, p. 359.

124 In passing, it is perhaps worth remarking that Bielenstein failed to understand the true reason for Empress Wu's refusal of the lion offered by the Arabs in 693. Her Majesty was not “being frugal” in stopping hunting and meat-eating. This was because she was an ardent Buddhist.

125 Ibid., p. 366.

126 天聖.

127 Tuotuo, et al, Song shi, Vol. 40, juan 490, p. 14121. There is a corresponding entry in the Song huiyao, which gives more details; Xu Song (comp.), Song huiyao ji gao, Vol. 8, ce 册 199, p. 7850.

128 Xi Xia 西夏.

129 沙州; modern Dunhuang.

130 秦亭; modern Tianshui in Gansu province.

131 Tao, Li李燾, Xu Zizhi tongjian chang bian 續資治通鑑長編, 2nd edition, 20 vols (Beijing, 2004), Vol. 4, juan 101, p. 2342Google Scholar.

132 This claim goes back to Hirth and Rockhill, Chau Ju-kua: His Work on the Chinese and Arab Trade. It is clear that “the Chinese and Arab trade” is an entirely artificial construct. When the Portuguese first sailed into the Indian Ocean in the late fifteenth century, they found that shipping and trade were dominated by Gujaratis: “There is no doubt that these people have the cream of the trade. . . .Cambay chiefly stretches out two arms, with her right arm she reaches out towards Aden and with the other towards Malacca, as the most important places to sail to . . .”; see Tomé Pires, Suma Oriental, Vol. 1, pp. 41–42.

133 Xu Song (comp.), Song huiyao ji gao, Vol. 8, ce 199, p. 7850.

134 An Jiayao has claimed that: “According to the Song History, after the first year of Tiansheng reign (1023), trade between the West and the Song dynasty was chiefly maritime, rather than overland”. The claim is apparently based on this episode, but there is no reference to trade here, only to embassies. Nor is there any indication whatsoever that Dashi embassies really did travel by sea after 1023. An's claim is a serious distortion of the record; see An Jiayao, “Dated Islamic Glass in China”, Bulletin of the Asia Institute, New series, V (1991), p. 134.

135 Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, p. 363–365.

136 Ibid., pp. 362, 364–365.

137 黄巢.

138 al-Sīrāfī, Abū Zayd, Accounts of China and India, edited and translated by Tim Mackintosh-Smith, in Two Arabic Travel Books, (eds) Kennedy, Philip F. and Toorawa, Shawkat M. (New York, 2014), p. 67Google Scholar. It may be noted that Book 1 of this work also states that there were no Chinese who were Muslims, and that Arabic was not spoken in China (p. 63). The latter assertion suggests that there were no foreign Muslims settled in China, as, at this period, they would almost certainly have had at least some knowledge of Arabic. Book 2 (p. 67) confirms that everything in Book 1 is true, with a single exception, relating to Chinese offerings to the dead.

139 Ru xiang 乳香.

140 Yu, Zhu 朱彧, Pingzhou ke tan 萍洲可談, (ed.) Weiguo, Li 李衛國 (Beijing, 2007), juan 2, p. 135Google Scholar.

141 Hua ren 華人.

142 Zhu Yu, Pingzhou ke tan, juan 2, p. 135.

143 Sanfoqi 三佛齊.

144 Zhu Yu's Pingzhou ke tan is not a very long work, so these numbers should not be stressed too much.

145 Gulin 故臨, in Kerala.

146 Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida, juan 3, p. 126.

147 Lanli 藍里, also written Lambri.

148 Zhao Rukuo, Zhu fan zhi jiaoshi, juan 1, p. 89.

149 Goitein and Friedman, India Traders of the Middle Ages, p. 6.

150 Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, pp. 228–229.

151 Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts, p. 10.

152 Ibid., pp. 3–7; Dionisius A. Agius, “Abhara's Voyages”, in The World in the Viking Age, (eds) Sindbæk and Trakadas, p. 40. The attribution to Buzurg is almost certainly false, and it is likely that he is a purely fictional personage; see Ducène, Jean-Charles, “Une nouvelle source Arabe sur l'océan Indien au Xe siècle: le Ṣaḥīḥ min aḫbār al-biḥār wa-‘aǧā‘ibihā d’ Abū ‘Imrān Mūsā ibn Rabāḥ al-Awsī al-Sīrāfī”, Afriques VI (2015)Google Scholar. Available online: http://afriques.revues.org/1746. Accessed 15 March 2016.

153 I take ‘Malī’ to refer to the Malabar coast, on which Kollam is situated. The suffix ‘-bar’ simply means ‘coast’. ‘Kūlam Malī’ presumably means “Kollam of (or in) Mala”. There is a reference to Mala[bar] in the letter of David Maimonides already referred to above; Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Tradeers, p. 210.

154 It is usually thought to have been somewhere on the Malay Peninsula; see Miksic, John N., Historical Dictionary of Ancient Southeast Asia (Lanham, 2007), p. 181Google Scholar. I believe that it may have been at or near Bengkulu on Sumatra. This is a question which needs further discussion elsewhere.

155 Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, Accounts of China and India, pp. 30–33.

156 See the discussions in Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts, pp. 157–159, and in Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Vol. 1, pp. 405–406.

157 On the ease with which this n could disappear, see Ferrand, Gabriel, Relations de Voyages et Textes Géographiques Arabes, Persans et Turks relatifs à l'extrême-orient du VIIIe au XVIIIe siècles, 2 vols. (Paris, 1913), Vol. 1, p. 17Google Scholar.

158 涨海.

159 Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, Accounts of China and India, pp. 32–35.

160 Pelliot, Notes on Marco Polo, Vol. 1, pp. 406–407; Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts, p. 72.

161 On Sundur Fulat, see Ferrand, Relations de Voyages, Vol. 1, p. viii.

162 For an example, see Laffan, Michael, “Finding Java: Muslim Nomenclature of Insular Southeast Asia from Śrîvijaya to Snouck Hurgronje”, in Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Islam, Movement, and the Longue Durée, (ed.) Tagliacozzo, Eric (Singapore, 2009), p. 20Google Scholar.

163 Church, Sally K., “Zheng He: an investigation into the plausibility of 450-ft treasure ships”, Monumenta Serica LIII (2005), p. 13Google Scholar; Zhen, Gong 鞏珍, Xiyang fanguo zhi 西洋藩國志, annotated by Xiang Da 向達 (Beijing, 1961), p. 6Google Scholar.

164 Abū Zayd al-Sīrāfī, Accounts of China and India, pp. 88–97.

165 賈耽.

166 For a translation into English of the first part of Jia Dan's itinerary, see Haw, “Maritime Routes” pp. 70–71; for a detailed discussion of the itinerary, see Pelliot, “Deux Itinéraires de Chine en Inde”, pp. 131–413. The original text is in Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, Xin Tang shu, Vol. 4, juan 43 xia, pp. 1151–1153.

167 Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts, pp. 28–29.

168 Ibid., p. 71.

169 Ibid., pp. 68–71.

170 Manguin, Pierre-Yves, “Asian Ship-building Traditions in the Indian Ocean at the Dawn of European Expansion”, in History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, Vol. 3, pt. vii, The Trading World of the Indian Ocean, 1500–1800, (ed.) Prakash, Om (Delhi, 2012), pp. 600–601Google Scholar; Vosmer, “Jewel of Muscat”, p. 59; McGrail, Seán, Boats of the World: from the Stone Age to Medieval Times (Oxford, 2004), pp. 76–77Google Scholar.

171 McGrail, Boats of the World, p. 77.

172 Vosmer, “Jewel of Muscat”, p. 59.

173 Agius, Dionisius A., Classic Ships of Islam: From Mesopotamia to the Indian Ocean (Leiden, 2008), p. 184Google Scholar.

174 Jordanus, Friar, Mirabilia Descripta: The Wonders of the East, trans. Colonel Henry Yule (London, 1863), p. 54Google Scholar.

175 Moule and Pelliot, Marco Polo, Vol. 1, p. 124.

176 Goitein, Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders, pp. 207–210.

177 Goitein and Friedman, India Traders of the Middle Ages, p. 12.

178 Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida, juan 6, p. 218; on tung oil, see Stephen G. Haw, “Tung oil and tong 桐 trees”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (forthcoming).

179 Church, “Zheng He”, pp. 36–37.

180 McGrail, Boats of the World, pp. 72, 135; Agius, Classic Ships of Islam, pp. 162, 164; Steffy, J. Richard, “Nautical Archaeology: Construction Techniques of Ancient Ships”, Naval Engineers Journal LXXXVII, 5 (1975), pp. 85–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

181 Agius, Classic Ships of Islam, pp. 165–166. Agius also suggests that iron fastenings may have been introduced into the Indian Ocean region earlier, perhaps as a result of Chinese influence.

182 Manguin, “Introduction of Islam into Campa”, p. 3; Manguin, “L'Introduction de l'Islam au Campā”, p. 259.

183 Kuwabara, Pu Shougeng kao, pp. 113–116.

184 蒲壽庚.

185 心史.

186 Haw, Stephen G., “The History of a Loyal Heart (Xin shi): a late-Ming forgery”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Series 3, XXV, 2 (2015), pp. 317–325Google Scholar.

187 On the distinction between forgeries and fakes, see Cradock, Paul, Scientific Investigation of Copies, Fakes and Forgeries (Oxford, 2009), p. 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On false provenances, Ibid., pp. 11–17. On the ease of forging and faking, Ibid., p. 180, “some of the forgeries [of coins] of Carl Wilhelm Becker . . . and his assistant W. Zindel can only be detected because they tend to be better than the originals”; et passim.

188 Ibid., pp. 474–476, 484, 486.

189 de Groote, Isabelle, et al., “New Genetic and Morphological Evidence suggests a Single Hoaxer created ‘Piltdown Man’ ”, Royal Society Open Science 3: 160328 (2016), p. 2Google ScholarPubMed.

190 Cradock, Copies, Fakes and Forgeries, pp. 486–487; De Groote, et al., “A Single Hoaxer created ‘Piltdown Man’”, pp. 4, 12.

191 For a lengthy discussion of ballast in ships, see Matthew Julian Gifford, “Everything is Ballast: an Examination of Ballast Related Practices and Ballast Stones from the Emanuel Point Shipwrecks” (Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, College of Arts and Sciences, University of West Florida, 2014).

192 Champagne, Alain, “Construire à Brouage: un premier état de la questionˮ, in Migrations, transferts et échanges de part et d'autre de l'Atlantique: Histoire et Archéologie des XVIe et XVIIe siècles, 133e Congrès national des sociétés historiques et scientifique, Québec, 2008, (eds) Pendery, Steven R. and Ravoire, Fabienne (Paris, 2011), p. 19Google Scholar.

193 Ibid., pp. 23–24.

194 Hoare, P.G., et al., “Re-used Bedrock Ballast in King's Lynn's ‘Town Wall’ and the Norfolk Port's Medieval Trading Links”, Medieval Archaeology XLVI, 1 (2002), pp. 91, 103–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

195 Soyer, François, The Persecution of the Jews and Muslims of Portugal: King Manuel I and the End of Religious Tolerance (1496–97) (Leiden, 2007), p. 244CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

196 de Alboquerque, Afonso, The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque, Second Viceroy of India, translated by Walter de Gray Birch, Vol. 3 (London, 1880), p.17Google Scholar.

197 Chen Dasheng 陳逹生, Quanzhou Yisilanjiao shi ke 泉州伊斯兰教石刻 (Fuzhou 福州, 1984), p. 3; Wenliang, Wu 吴文良, Quanzhou zongjiao shike 泉州宗教石刻 (Beijing, 1957), p. 2Google Scholar.

198 Kalus and Guillot, “La stèle de Leranˮ, pp. 31–34.

199 Canby, Sheila, “Double-sided Tombstone” (Recent Acquisitions, A Selection: 2010 – 2012), The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin LXX, 2 (2012), p. 16Google Scholar.

200 Le Corbeiller, Clare, China Trade Porcelain: Patterns of Exchange (New York, 1974), pp. 1–3, 10 n. 2Google Scholar; Jörg, C.J.A., Porcelain and the Dutch China Trade (’s-Gravenhage, 1982), pp. 27, 51, 135–136, 193CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

201 Jörg, Porcelain, p. 125.

202 Kalus and Guillot, “La stèle de Leranˮ, p. 34.

203 Shendao bei 神道碑.

204 楊良瑶.

205 Heiyi Dashi 黑衣大食.

206 Shimin, Zhang 張世民, “Zhongguo gudai zuizao xia Xi Yangde waijiao shijie Yang Liangyaoˮ 中國古代最早下西洋的外交使節楊良瑶, in Tang shi luncong 唐史論叢, no. 7, (ed.) Nianhai, Shi史念海 (Xi'an, 1998), pp. 351–356Google Scholar.

207 Shimin, Zhang 張世民, “Yang Liangyao: Zhongguo zuizao hanghai xia Xi Yangde waijiao shijie 楊良瑶:中國最早的航海下西洋的外交使節ˮ, Journal of Xianyang Normal University/Xianyang Shifan Xueyuan xuebao 咸陽師範學院學报 XX, 3 (2005), pp. 4–8Google Scholar.

208 Xinjiang, Rong 榮新江, “Tangchao yu Heiyi Dashi guanxi shi xin zheng – ji Zhenyuan chu nian Yang Liangyaode pinshi Dashiˮ 唐朝與黑衣大食関係史新證–記貞元初年楊良瑶的聘使大食, Wen Shi 文史 C (2012 no. 3), pp. 231–243Google Scholar.

209 Chan, Hok-lam, “The Chien-wen, Yung-lo, Hung-hsi, and Hsüan-te reigns”, in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 7, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644, pt. i, (eds) Mote, Frederick W. and Twitchett, Denis (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 233–235Google Scholar.

210 Bielenstein, Diplomacy and Trade, pp. 358–359.

211 No illustrations of any kind accompany the articles by Zhang and Rong, with the exception of photographs of a rubbing of the inscription published with a third article by Zhang: Zhang Shimin 張世民, “Yang Liangyao – Zhongguo zui zao xia Xi Yangde waijiao shijie” 楊良瑶–中國最早下西洋的外交使莭, Shufa congkan 書法叢刊 (2013 no. 5), pp. 39–41. A rubbing is not the same as the original, of course. This article again repeats information already published in Zhang's earlier articles: there is almost nothing in it which is new. Just as the titles of Zhang's articles are more or less identical, so is their content. I have seen photographs of the stele in Chinese newspapers, but they are not of sufficient quality to allow the inscription to be read, or to discern how it was cut. All that can be said is that, considering that the stele dates from well over a thousand years ago, it appears to be in very good condition.

212 涇陽縣.

213 Wenwu baohu danwei 文物保護單位.

214 Schottenhammer, “China's Emergence as a Maritime Power”, p. 448; see also Schottenhammer, Angela, Yang Liangyaos Reise von 785 n. Chr. zum Kalifen von Bagdad: Eine Mission im Zeichen einer frühen sino-arabischen Mächte-Allianz? (Gossenberg, 2014), pp. 15–26Google Scholar. The article by Schottenhammer, Angela, “Yang Liangyao's Mission of 785 to the Caliph of Baġdād: evidence of an early Sino-Arabic power alliance?”, Bulletin de l’École française d'Extrême-Orient CI (2015). pp. 177–241CrossRefGoogle Scholar, was published late in 2016, too late for me to take account of it here.

215 貞元.

216 Zhang Shimin, “Yang Liangyao”, p. 5; Rong Xinjiang, “Tangchao yu Heiyi Dashi guanxi”, p. 233.

217 “Ten thousand” certainly was not intended literally, but merely means “very many”. However, it would have been much less of an exaggeration to say “a thousand”, or “a hundred”, the latter being much closer to reality.

218 There is mention of Nan hai 南海, which could mean Guangzhou, but it might also mean “the southern sea”, that is, the South China Sea.

219 Jia Dan's itinerary has already been mentioned above; see note 166.

220 d'Ancona, Jacob, The City of Light, edited and translated Selbourne, David (London, 1997)Google Scholar.

221 Barrett, T. H., “Everything bar the Chopsticks”, London Review of Books XIX, 21 (1997), p. 18Google Scholar; Barrett, T. H., “The Modern Historiography of Asia and the Faking of ‘The City of Light’”, Modern Asian Studies XXXII, 4 (1998), pp. 1017–1023CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and also a letter to the London Review of Books, XX, 24 (1998).

222 de Rachewiltz, Igor and Leslie, Donald D., “The City of Light by Jacob d'Ancona; David Selbourne”, Journal of Asian History XXXII, 2 (1998), pp. 180–185.Google Scholar

223 Jonathan Spence, “Leaky Boat to China”, New York Times, 19 October 1997.

224 Selbourne, David, letter to London Review of Books XXI, 1 (1999)Google Scholar; Phillips, Melanie, letter to London Review of Books XXI, 1 (1999)Google Scholar.

225 Artesu, Martin Checa, “Jacob d'Ancona, un viajero judío en la China del siglo XIII”, SEDA, Revista de Estudios Orientales XI (2007)Google Scholar. Vogel goes so far as to quote from The City of Light, although he was clearly aware of the doubts about its authenticity; see Vogel, Hans Ulrich, Marco Polo Was in China: New Evidence from Currencies, Salts and Revenues (Leiden, 2013), pp. 159–160CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

226 De Rachewiltz and Leslie write of “a feeling of unease”, which is “not sufficient” to prove fabrication of the account; see De Rachewiltz and Leslie, “City of Light”, p. 181.

227 David Selbourne, “Afterword for the Paperback Edition”, in Jacob d'Ancona, The City of Light, edited and translated by David Selbourne (London, 1998), pp. 442–443. It is this edition of The City of Light which will always be cited here.

228 Jacob d'Ancona, City of Light, p. 77.

229 Ibid., p. 106.

230 Ibid., p. 413.

231 Rosser and Imray, Seaman's Guide, p. 22.

232 Jacob d'Ancona, City of Light, p. 119.

233 Zabaj or Zabag is usually identified with Java and/or Sumatra; see Tibbetts, A Study of the Arabic Texts, pp. 100–117; Laffan, “Finding Java”, pp. 21–29. The forger here seems to have followed a note in Yule's edition of Marco Polo: “The locality of the ancient port of Zabai or Champa is probably to be sought on the west coast of Kamboja . . .”. The same note includes mention of “Ḳomâr” the country of the Khmers; Yule, Henry, The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian concerning the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East, 3rd edition (London, 1903), Vol. 2, p. 269Google Scholar. This note was originally published as part of Yule, Henry’s “Notes on the Oldest Records of the Sea-Route to China from Western Asia”, Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society and Monthly Record of Geography IV, 11 (1882), p. 657Google Scholar.

234 天子; Jacob d'Ancona, City of Light, p. 127.

235 君子; Ibid., p. 399.

236 蠻子; Ibid., pp. 124–125, 128–129.

237 Ibid., p. 129.

238 賈似道.

239 Coblin, Handbook of 'Phags-pa Chinese, pp. 124, 150, 172. Jun of junzi would also have had a hard initial: kyn; see Ibid., p. 140.

240 Barrett, Letter to London Review of Books.

241 Apart from Selbourne himself, who described Barrett's criticisms as “libellous”, Melanie Phillips exclaimed “Why should any of us take seriously a word he [Barrett] says?”; Selbourne, Letter to London Review of Books; Phillips, Letter to London Review of Books.

242 You San Jun Pizhang 右三軍辟仗.

243 永貞.

244 元和.

245 Zhang Shimin, “Yang Liangyao”, p. 5.

246 辟仗使; also written 闢仗使.

247 Pu, Wang 王溥 Tang huiyao 唐會要 (Beijing, 1955), Vol. 3, juan 72, p. 1296Google Scholar; Guang, Sima 司馬光, Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑒 (Beijing, 1956), Vol. 16, juan 240, p. 7749Google Scholar.

248 憲宗.

249 Shumi shi 樞密使.

250 Qinruo, Wang 王欽若, et al. (eds), Cefu yuangui jiaodingben 冊府元龜校訂本 (Nanjing, 2006), Vol. 8, juan 665, p. 7665Google Scholar. On the title Shumi shi, see Hucker, Charles O., A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford, 1985), p. 436Google Scholar. Hucker says that the title of Shumi shi dates from 765, but this is apparently contradicted by the Cefu yuangui. Hucker may have derived his information from the Wenxian tongkao, a comparatively late work, dating from the early fourteenth century; see Duanlin, Ma 馬端臨, tongkao, Wenxian 文献通考 (Beijing, 1986), Vol.1, juan 58, p. 523Google Scholar. There may well have been some misunderstanding; the Cefu yuangui reports that, in 766, Shumi affairs were first placed in the hands of eunuchs of the Palace; Wang Qinruo, Cefu yuangui jiaodingben, Vol. 8, juan 665, p. 7665. During the Tang period, the Shumi yuan was similar to a Privy Council, but later it was responsible only for military affairs; see Mote, Frederick W., Imperial China, 900–1800 (Harvard, 1999), p. 479Google Scholar; and also Farquhar, David M., The Government of China under Mongolian Rule: a reference guide (Stuttgart, 1990), p. 247Google Scholar.

251 許遂忠.

252 Shaoliang, Zhou 周紹良 and Chao, Zhao 趙超 (eds), Tangdai muzhi huibian xuji 唐代墓誌彙編續集 (Shanghai, 2001), p. 899Google Scholar.

253 劉渶浰.

254 Zhou and Zhao (eds), Tangdai muzhi huibian xuji, pp. 948–949.

255 楊玄略.

256 Zhou and Zhao (eds), Tangdai muzhi huibian xuji, p. 1049.