A 1995 survey shows that Mexican citizens depend on their cognitive and affective orientations toward the United States in forming opinions about economic agreements between the two countries. The degree to which respondents utilized general feelings toward the United States rather than images of the United States varies by educational level and across the two agreements that were examined, NAFTA and the Clinton economic stabilization package of 1995. Whether respondents utilized an image of U.S. economic imperialism or of racial discrimination against people of Mexican origin in forming their opinions also depends on the level of education attained and on the policy domain of the agreement. The cognitive processes respondents utilized to form opinions about these economic agreements also differ across educational levels and policy domains. The findings have important implications for the capacity of Mexican elites to mobilize support for agreements with the United States and more generally for U.S.-Mexican relations.

The plea by Murillo, Shrank, and Luna (MSL) for a more “grounded” political economy approach to the study of Latin America is much welcome, and it merits a serious debate among scholars of the region. To help advance that debate, this essay raises several issues regarding the substance and methods of the political economy they advocate.

Legislative allies are widely recognized as key to social movement success, but the emergence of their alliance with activists remains understudied. This article proposes a strategic approach to this phenomenon based on the cases of the environmental, labor, and LGBT+ movements in Chile and their allied legislators. According to this approach, an alliance emerges due to two necessary conditions. Movement organizations must display tactical capacity, which signals their adaptability and competence to participate in Congress. And a socially skilled leadership creates the trust required for movement leaders and legislators to cooperate during the lawmaking process. This approach emphasizes that alliances emerge from activists’ strategic efforts to build a social tie, whose effectiveness is mediated by legislators’ expectations and congressional norms. By specifying the strategic dimension of an alliance, this study highlights the capacity of activists to foster cooperative relations with state actors.

Costa Ricans have worked hard to weave the norms and principles of sustainable development into their nation's environmental policies, especially with respect to natural renewable resources, such as the forest. As a result, the nation is known as a leader in innovative environmental initiatives. But sustainable development is a complex, evolving concept. This paper analyzes how the emphasis on biodiversity conservation during the 1990s and early 2000s has, rhetoric notwithstanding, neglected the social equality, or livelihood, component of sustainable development. This trend stands in sharp contrast to earlier periods, when decisionmakers crafted policies and institutions that supported social ecology. The article concludes with a few observations on building political will to revive the grassroots development component of sustainable development.

This article studies the influence of the antineoliberal social movements in Peru and Ecuador in the face of the Multiparty Trade Agreement (MTA) between both countries and the European Union (EU). To identify and analyze this influence, a transdisciplinary theoretical framework was created, integrating debates and concepts from social movement theory and critical international political economy. In Peru, the movement used European allies to establish their demands on the EU’s agenda, which resulted in increased pressure on the government to enforce labor rights and environmental standards. In Ecuador, the movement was able to establish food sovereignty and the rejection of free trade in the national constitution. As a result, the negotiations with the EU were delayed and Ecuador achieved certain exceptions in its adhesion protocol. Nevertheless, both movements were unable to maintain their influence, due to political and socioeconomic dynamics on the domestic and global levels.

During the last national election in Peru, one of the candidates charged that the Indians probably lived better under the Inca rulers. Rather than being political hyperbole, this observation points up the stark reality which is the root cause of Peru's economic and social problems. With a relatively thin middle class, Peru's population of about 11.6 million is largely polarized into a small elite, whose wealth is conspicuous even by Latin American standards, and the larger proportion of the population living in the high sierra or in the slums surrounding each coastal city, which barely manages to exist under conditions of abject poverty. This skewed distribution of wealth and income, long apparent even to the most casual observer, has been confirmed by a recent study which indicates that the top 10 per cent of the spending units receive 60 per cent of the disposable income, and 8,760 spending units, representing only .25 per cent of the total, receive 35 per cent of the income.

Estudiando esta época que en la historia americana se llama “crucismo”, es rare que algún boliviano después de leer los documentos históricos sobre el Mariscal don Andrés Santa Cruz no se apasione. Investigando esta época que se llama “crucismo” se logra sin dificultad comprender lo que fue Bolivia, lo que quiso ser y lo que es ahora. Nuestras desgracias nos vienen desde esa etapa, por haber querido ser grandes y abatido las alas del cóndor andino, por no haber comprendido con cerebro la “Confederatión”, como no la comprendieron los adversaries del Mariscal Santa Cruz. Y no es temerario decir que nuestra expiatión como bolivianos nace desde la batalla de Yungay. Es curioso, por otra parte, que la mayoría de los bolivianos no conocen su propia historia y no se reconcilian espiritualmente, pensando que todas las cosas son transitorias y que los pueblos siguen a sus caudillos y se encarnan en ellos.

The “Tenentes” or “lieutenants” were an important factor in Brazilian politics between 1922 and the end of the government of President Castelo Branco early in 1967. They had an active and occasionally decisive role in most major political events for almost half a century. The emergence of the Tenentes in the 1920s was part of a broader movement of discontent with the Old Republic, a relatively loose confederation of states dominated by rural landed interests and the politicians associated with them. Subsequently, the Tenentes played a key part in overthrowing the Old Republic in the Revolution of 1930.

Getúlio Vargas came to power in the 1930 Revolution and stayed in the presidency for fifteen years. As provisional chief executive for more than three years, he suppressed a serious revolt against his authority by the state of Sao Paulo between July and October of 1932, and summoned the assembly that wrote the Constitution of 1934 and chose him to be the first president under it.

Within the past decade a perennial and intriguing problem concerning Canadian foreign relations has gained new prominence. Can the government of Canada as empowered under Heading VI (Section 91) of the British North America Act (1867) conclude contractual relations with foreign states when the terms of such contractual relations can be given legal implementation only by legislation of the provinces in areas reserved to them under heading VI (sections 92 and 93) ? Or more precisely, since certain classes of legislative subjects are specifically reserved to the provinces, can the individual province then engage in “foreign relations” vis-á-vis those reserved subjects?

With the signing of the Franco-Quebec Agreements of 15 September 1967, which provided for increased cultural, scientific, and technological cooperation between France and Quebec, and the developments leading up to and flowing from this Accord, the problem of the role and extent of provincial powers in regard to foreign relationships again came to the fore.

In the United States in recent years in almost every state there has been a strong move toward more centralized coordination and control of higher education, a movement growing out of the rapidly rising costs of higher education as well as, perhaps, some public disillusion with the universities. This move toward centralized control means, of course, a shift of power away from individual universities.

A group in the Institute of Higher Education at Berkeley (Glenny et al., 1971) strongly favors coordination of universities; Lewis Mayhew (1972) of Stanford predicts that many states will opt for centralized control rather than coordination. The long tradition in the United States of nonacademic control of individual universities through boards of trustees made up of business and professional people rather than academic leaders probably has made the shift to centralized control by the nonacademic boards of entire state systems of colleges and universities more acceptable within and without the universities than has been true in most other countries where the legal decision-making power, the administrative and academic autonomy of the university, has been in the hands of members of the academic community.

In the past decade or so the international relations of Latin America—for many years the subject of legalistic, institutional, polemical, or purely descriptive analyses—has been investigated on a much more sophisticated basis. Dependencia has emerged as a major organizing concept in much of the literature, and “bureaucratic politics” has provided a focus for some of the work emanating from North American scholars on U.S. Latin American policies. There are a number of other frameworks as well. Welcome as the wealth of new studies is, they nevertheless present us for the first time with a problem of assessing the utility of various theoretical approaches or at least with the challenge of relating them to one another in a meaningful fashion.

La América Latina está acercándose al día de su definición. Cuando, después del fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, hubo una serie de cambios políticos y dictadores que habían gobernado durante largos años bajo regímenes patriarcales, cayeron de la noche a la mañana, hubo quien creyese que había llegado el fin de un ciclo histórico. Pero se trataba apenas de una fase transitoria. El continente, en busca de sí mismo, trataba de deshacerse de las tiranías anticuadas para encontrar su propio camino. El fenómeno no duró mucho porque aún existían nombres como Perón, Fulgencio Batista, Trujillo y Somoza, mientras vinieron nuevas dictaduras, consiguiendo en colaboración con las viejas mantener en pie la Internacional de las Espadas, que a cierto punto alcanzó englobar los siguientes países: Argentina, Colombia, Cuba, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Perú, República Dominicana y Venezuela. Mientras tanto, los regímenes democráticos no sobrepasaban de la media docena: Brasil, Costa Rica, Chile, El Salvador, México y Uruguay.

The writer will attempt to draw attention to major like and unlike elements in the cultural patterns of Brazil and the United States, with an eye to mutual understanding. Obviously, this constitutes a task of considerable magnitude, and much reflection was required in order to decide which of the many possibilities should receive attention. Finally, it was decided to center on the following four aspects of the general subject: (1) the diversity of patterns of living in the United States, and the even greater diversity of ways of life in Brazil; (2) the higher degree of social differentiation in the United States, in comparison with contemporary Brazil; (3) the similarities and differences in patterns of living which result from the class structures found in the respective societies; and (4) the effects upon general social and cultural patterns of the institutions which have played the most important roles in producing the distinguishing characteristics of each of the societies: in the case of Brazil, the great patriarchial family or kinship unit, and in the case of the United States, the public school.

Una filosofía es una expresión autónoma del espíritu, resultado de la eterna inquietud del hombre —nunca del todo desilusionado por sus fracasos— por ponerse en claro sobre el sentido de su vida y del universo a que pertenece. Así considerada, la obra de cualquier filósofo puede sufrir el examen de su valor intrínseco, como esfuerzo hacia la verdad, en cuyo caso se ejercita sobre ella una valoraciónteórica. Pero la filosofía es a la vez una parte de la aventura del hombre en el tiempo, y va signada por las limitaciones temporales de aquél. Nunca se da en el vacío, sino amalgamada con todos los elementos propios de la vida del hombre en un instante de la historia. Cuando se examina una filosofía según su función en una época, una comunidad o una cultura, lo que se intenta no es ya una valoración teórica, sino una interpretación histórica.

While Peru's economic development is highly influenced by its resource endowment and the price structure of its exports, the style of industrialization will be determined in large part by the type and amount of social mobility its class structure permits. Although similar ethnically to Guatemala and Bolivia, Peru so far has managed to forestall a basic social revolution and has developed under one of the most private “free enterprise” regimes in Latin America. It should therefore be interesting to examine the type of class structure and social mobility that underlies this stage of development.

In terms of a model of the process of industrialization, I shall emphasize the distinctive features of the transitional stage. It seems that a folk-urban, traditional-modern dichotomy—or even a transitional type that is merely halfway between these extremes—is not adequate.

Hay un lugar histórico en la obra del Padre Bernabé Cobo, que no ha podido ser ignorado de los investigadores de nuestro pasado social. Dice así refiriéndose al Pueblo de Santiago del Cercado, barrio de Lima, erigido como reducción para el doctrinamiento y la protección de los indios tributarios, mitayos y yanacones que acudían a ella: