As indicated by the voluminous professional and popular literature published over the past decade, there is now widespread interest in steps toward economic and political integration on a wide variety of regional and global bases. In this paper I intend to examine some of the issues arising from integration efforts. The geographic and functional bases of current integrational efforts are indeed numerous. It is fascinating to review the many reasons or motivations behind these striking developments of which the Central American Common Market is one important example. The reasons behind these developments are not new to this decade, but rather are the results of a more general concern or awareness of current problems and current possibilities. Attitudes and values are also undergoing changes.

University students in Venezuela constitute about ten percent of the corresponding age group (calculated from Universidad Central de Venezuela 1970: 19, Table 5), and leadership of the country's economic and social development is increasingly in the hands of university-trained professionals. University enrollment has quadrupled since 1958, and young professionals who have graduated over the past fifteen years already represent a majority among university graduates in Venezuela. Research on students and elites, however, in Venezuela as elsewhere in Latin America, has concentrated on their divergent political attitudes while paying scant attention to the transformation of university students into members of the elite.

This paper reports on an exploratory survey of student and elite attitudes toward higher education and professional employment in Venezuela. Our findings provide some insight on the extent to which employment of high-level manpower is influenced by modern, achievement-oriented criteria, as compared with traditional, ascriptive criteria.

El campo ha sido y es el centro de interés de la narrativa uruguaya y seguirá siéndolo mientras la capital no complete su absorción y la narrativa se circunscriba al tema urbano, fenómeno difícil de predecir, dada la importancia geopolítica del campo en la vida uruguaya. En esta área importante de genuina creación cabe colocar desde las novelas de Acevedo Díaz, con excepción de Brenda de tema urbano, algunas novelas de Carlos Reyles: Beba, El terruño, y El gaucho florido, porque Reyles fue escritor urbano en La raza de Caín, hasta las novelas y cuentos de nuestros últimos narradores.

La celebración del cincuentenario del descubrimiento de las ruinas maravillosas de Machu Picchu — en julio de 1961 — ha tenido una resonancia literaria de importancia singular, pues aparte de los estudios de orden histórico y antropológico, y de la nutrida colaboración periodística que ha llenado muchas páginas de periódicos de toda América, ha brindado los frutos de inesperados volúmenes poéticos o de prosa literaria sin ribetes de erudición o información, en el plano de la creación pura, estimulada por el hechizo de la naturaleza que bordea las ruinas conmemoradas o el mensaje cósmico de la piedra milenaria.

Negotiating a treaty between two sovereign nations is no simple matter. Even when there is consensus that a new accord is long overdue, a solution acceptable to both governments and their most vocal constituencies is most elusive and often difficult to conclude within a reasonable period of time. This is especially true when there is strong popular opinion aroused on both sides. Discussions usually drag on, and while diplomats publicly agree that “progress is being made,” there are significant political and economic benefits unrealized by either or both countries involved in the negotiation proceedings (Lopez Guevara, 1976).

The present treaty negotiations between the Republic of Panama and the United States of America is a case in point. That Panamanian public opinion is aroused on the Canal issue is indicated by the 1964 Canal Zone border incidents in which twenty-one Panamanians and three Americans died and by subsequent demonstrations.

Central America has always seemed to me a particularly fruitful object of study, of economic and particularly monetary affairs, because of the existence of six countries of not too different size and economic structure. This situation provides an opportunity for assessing the workings of certain economic principles.

In economic terms, the countries of Central America are very small units. For such units, economics can provide a few analytical propositions that seem prima facie plausible. One is that such economies need not indefinitely specialize in exports of primary products, but if they diversity and industrialize their economies, it must be for export. Industrialization for the domestic market is unlikely to permit sufficient economies of scale. In this regard, the Central American countries have industrialized much less than the small republics in the Far East, and accordingly have not enjoyed as rapid a rate of economic growth.

Current experience in international relations reveals not only an increase in the number of international organizations but also a proportionately greater number of associated problems. One of these problems is the ascertainment of legal status and the assessment of the nature and significance of nonmembership.

As long as there are international organizations that embrace less than a universal membership, there will be nonmembers. The problems of nonmembers become particularly acute when one or more of the “great powers” (or states sponsored by them) are involved; the absence of the United States from the League of Nations and the absence of continental China and the divided nations of Germany, Korea, Vietnam, and others from the United Nations attest to this fact.

En los últimos días de julio de 1963, el que escribe estas líneas, durante una breve visita al Perú, tuvo ocasión, una vez más, de presenciar un cabildo abierto. Por cierto que el entonces recién inaugurado, ahora ya depuesto, Presidente Belaúnde Terry, se suponía iba a asistir al acto. Pero una avería en el helicóptero que le conducía le impidió llegar más allá del Cuzco. La ocasión de aquella asamblea, verdaderamente popular, era el elegir al alcalde y regidores de la pequeña villa de Chinchero, situada en plena Sierra peruana. Reuniones semejantes se estaban celebrando aquel mismo día, último domingo de julio, en los demás pueblos, cabezas de partido. Dato interesante es que las discusiones se condujeron en la lengua quechua, única que comprendían los asistentes al acto, en su totalidad indígenas.

Hasta los críticos más ardientes de la Unión Soviética han de admitir que las realizaciones de ese inmenso conglomerado de repúblicas en el campo de la educación pública han sido impresionantes en las últimas generaciones. Lo certifican los hechos y las cifras disponibles tanto en fuentes soviéticas como en las occidentales, al extremo de que la abundancia de datos numéricos al respecto hace más bien pensar en un exceso de “kremlinólogos”.

Por ese motivo fue con gran placer que acepté la invitación de J. Gvishiani, vicepresidente del Comité Estatal de la URSS … para la Coordinación de la Investigación Científica, en el marco del intercambio cultural norteamericano-soviético, para tomar conocimiento directo de la labor que realizan en Moscú diversas ramas de la Academia de Ciencias, particularmente el Instituto de América Latina. Habituado a estudiar in situ los problemas interamericanos —materia a la que vengo dedicando desde hace varios años mi más fervoroso empeño— traté de aprovechar al máximo la experiencia que se me brindaba.

The Cuban revolution has profoundly shaken the economic and political foundation traditional in most of the 20 Latin American republics. The demand by the rest of Latin America for Cuban type reforms has also required a reappraisal of U. S.-Latin American relations, which with the breaking off of diplomatic intercourse between Cuba and the U. S., January 4, 1961, have reached their lowest point since the initiation in the mid 1930's of the Good Neighbor Policy by President Roosevelt. Furthermore, the spread of the Cuban revolution, with its ideals and aspirations for the fulfilment of the age-old political, social, and economic aspirations of the downtrodden masses, is now an imminent threat for the remaining undemocratic Latin American governments. There is no denying the fact that most Latin American countries are still run by an oligarchy of landlords and the military.

The per capita availability of fisheries products in El Salvador is about 3.3 pounds per annum. The level, while low, is not out of the ordinary for tropical America. Seafood in particular, but animal protein in all forms, is little consumed by the great bulk of the population. It is the better endowed economic classes and the fishermen who account for most of the consumption of fisheries products. Other groups, chiefly urban, regard fish and crustaceans as luxuries, ordering or serving them mainly during religious and other festive occasions.

Comparative examples of “good government” at the subnational level may underanalyze the “public goods” problem facing politicians. Delegating authority and resources to policymaking agencies is possible when political conflict is low. The benefits can be maintained only if public agencies establish ties of “horizontal embeddedness” with industrial clients. This case study of innovative industrial policymaking in Minas Gerais, which is compared with one from Rio de Janeiro, finds that horizontal, interagency ties were critical to policy success. The contrast leads to an examination of the mineiro system's efficacy in promoting externalities, attracting foreign investment, and planning infrastructure in the state's automotive industry.

Japan's Current Role as the world's most dominant economic power has had an impact on its relations with Latin America despite the absence, historically at least, of few long-term ties between the two regions. While there is some evidence that contacts may date as far back as 1609, relations between them only began to acquire a certain relevance as recently as the 1970s and 1980s, when the Japanese domestic model, acquired after World War II, began to seem assured.

Nevertheless, it is impossible to understand either the relations between these two actors, or their future trends, without examining the policies and conditions that have marked Japan's reinsertion into the world — from its situation as a defeated, war-devastated, resource-poor country to one that is not only extremely wealthy but with the potential to become a superpower (Time, 1988: 6-9).

Mexico's party deputy system, created in 1963, has just completed its first decade of existence; enough experience has now been accumulated to evaluate its impact on the Mexican political system. This essay will examine the system in its following aspects: origins, implementation, amendments, beneficiaries, and effects.

Since 1929 the government party (currently called PRI, Partido Revolucionario Institucional, but having existed under other names) has so completely dominated the electoral scene at the national level that only in the Chamber of Deputies has the opposition been able to take some electoral posts. Even in the Chamber, opposition groups have only been able to acquire a few seats by winning a majority of votes (Table l). PRI's success has been attributed to its superior organization, appeal, finances, and relationship with the government. The high point of majority-elected opposition in the Chamber came in 1952 when nine opposition deputies represented 5.5 percent of the Chamber. Between 1946 and 1964, no opposition party, of whatever ideological stripe, achieved more than six seats in the Chamber (3.7 percent).