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Guarding Traditions and Laws—Disciplining Bodies and Souls: Tradition, science, and religion in the age of Ottoman reform

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2018

ALI YAYCIOGLU
ALI YAYCIOGLU*
Affiliation:
Stanford University Email: ayayciog@stanford.edu
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Abstract

This article examines the religious and intellectual dynamics behind the Ottoman military reform movement, known as the New Order, in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Conventionally, the New Order has been examined within the framework of the Westernization of Ottoman military and administrative institutions. The Janissary-led popular opposition to the New Order, on the other hand, has been understood as a conservative resistance, fashioned by Muslim anti-Westernization. This article challenges this assumption, based on a binary between Westernization reforms versus Islamic conservatism. It argues that the Janissary-led popular opposition, which was consolidated long before the New Order, developed as a form of resistance by antinomian elements blocking the top-down disciplinary policies of the central state throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The New Order programme, which was unleashed in 1792, was also opposed by the Janissary-led coalition, on the basis that it would wipe out vested privileges and traditions. Supporting the New Order, we see a coalition and different intellectual trends, including: (i) the Euro-Ottoman military enlightenment, led by military engineers and scientists, which developed an agenda to reorganize and discipline the social-military order with universal principles of military engineering and (ii) Islamic puritan activism, which developed an agenda to rejuvenate the Muslim order by eliminating invented traditions, and to discipline Muslim souls with the universal principles of revelation and reason. While the Euro-Ottoman military enlightenment participated in military reform movements in Europe, Islamic activism was part of a trans-Islamic Naqshibandi-Mujaddidi network originating in India. We thus witness a discursive alliance between military enlightenment and Muslim activism, both of which had trans-Ottoman connections, against a Janissary-led popular movement, which mobilized resistance to protect local conventions and traditions.

Type
Research Article
Information
Modern Asian Studies , Volume 52 , Issue 5 , September 2018 , pp. 1542 - 1603
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2018 

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Footnotes

*I would like to express my gratitude to Tuna Artun, Kemal Beydilli, Patricia Blessing, Catherine Brice, Nilüfer Duygu Eriten, Elaine Fisher, Phil Hubbard, Hakan Kırımlı, Harun Küçük, Darina Martykánová, Baki Tezcan, Andre Wink, Fatih Yeşil, Fikret Yılmaz, Gülay Yılmaz, and Konstantina Zanou for their enriching comments on this article. I am especially grateful to Ahmet T. Karamustafa for his corrective comments and suggestions. I completed it while reading the late Shahab Ahmed's brilliant book, What is Islam? The Important of Being Islamic (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2015). Although our time at Harvard overlapped—I as a graduate student, he as an assistant professor—I did not know Shahab very well. But his book and wisdom profoundly affected my thinking while writing this article. I humbly dedicate this study to Shahab's memory.

References

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Urdu devlet tacın anın başına/He [Hacı Bektaş Veli] placed the throne of the state on his head
Kesti verdi yenlerin yoldaşına/He cut and gave his sleeves to his comrades
Dedi olsun ad sana yeniçeri/And said shall your name be Janissary [soldiers of the sleeve]
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23 Sen (ed.), Kitâb-ı Sakkâ, p. 139.

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25 Sen (ed.), Kitâb-ı Sakkâ, p. 185.

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27 The Janissaries’ organic ties with the Bektaşiyye were so close that the Janissary corps was also called the ‘Bektaşi Ocağı’ (Bektaşi association) and zümre-yi (or ta'ife-yi) Bektaşiyan (people of the Bektaşiyye). Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devlet Teşkilatında Kapukulu Ocakları, pp. 148–50. Colin Imber, ‘The Origin of the Janissaries’, Journal of Turkish Studies, 26 (2002), pp. 15–19.

28 For the Bektaşi organization and their political and cultural role in Ottoman society, see Faroqhi, Suraiya, Der Bektaschi-Orden in Anatolien: (vom späten fünfzehnten Jahrhundert bis 1826), Vienna, Verlag des Institutes für Orientalistik der Universität Wien, 1981Google Scholar; Popovic, Alexandre and Veinstein, Gilles (eds), Bektachiyya, Études sur l'ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektash, Istanbul, The Isis Publications, 1995Google Scholar, particularly Suraiya Faroqhi, ‘The Bektashis: An Historical Survey’, pp. 9–30; Yürekli, Architecture and Hagiography. Also see Ocak, Ahmet Yaşar, Geçmişten Günümüze Alevî-Bektaşî Kültürü, Ankara, Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı Yayınları, 2009Google Scholar; Ocak, A. Y., Alevi-Bektaşi İnançlarının İslam Öncesi Temelleri, Istanbul, İletişim, 2000Google Scholar; Mélikoff, Irène, Hadji Bektach: un mythe et ses avatars: genèse et évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie, Leiden, Brill, 1998Google Scholar; Faroqhi, Suraiya, ‘The Tekke of Hacı Bektaş: Social Position and Economic Actitivies’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 7 (1976), pp. 183–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Recent studies by Ayfer Karakaya-Stump illustrate that some of the Bektaşi groups in eastern Anatolia and Baghdad had connections with Safavid Iran in the seventeenth century: see Karakaya-Stump, Ayfer, Vefailik, Bektaşilik, Kızılbaşlık: Alevi Kaynakalarını Yeniden Düşünmek, Istanbul, Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2015Google Scholar.

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