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Charlemagne's black marble: the origin of the epitaph of Pope Hadrian I

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Joanna Story ,
Judith Bunbury ,
Anna Candida Felici ,
Gabriele Fronterotta ,
Mario Piacentini ,
Chiara Nicolais ,
Daria Scacciatelli ,
Sebastiano Sciuti  and
Margherita Vendittelli
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Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 73 , November 2005 , pp. 157 - 190
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Copyright © British School at Rome 2005

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References

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2 Hadrian's oratory is no. 15 on Alpharano's plan of c. 1571, whilst the new location of the Epitaph is no. 132; Alpharano, Tiberio, De Basilicae Vaticanae Antiquissima et Nova Structura (ed. Cerrati, M.) (Studi e testi 26) (Rome, 1914), 41–2, 116, 153, 184, 195Google Scholar.

3 Maffaeo Vegio, c. 1455, ‘De rebus antiquis memorabilibus basilicae Sancti Petri Romae’, in Acta Sanctorum lunii VII (Antwerp, 1717), col. 008IDGoogle Scholar; ‘But the third oratory of Saint Hadrian was close by [to this], is now totally vanished, of which nothing is visible except only the remarkable hewn marble with inscription and verses fixed to the wall of the basilica, which show that he himself [Hadrian] had been buried there by the care of Charles the Great’; Grimaldi, Descrizione (above, n. 1), 396.

4 Alpharano, De Basilicae Vaticanae (above, n, 2), 42.

5 De Rossi, G.B., ‘L'inscription du tombeau d'Hadrien I’, Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire de l'Ecole Française de Rome 8 (Rome, 1888), 478–501Google Scholar; LeClercq, H., ‘Hadrien I (épitaph de)’, in Dictionnaire d'Archéologie Chrétienne et de Liturgie, 15 vols (Paris, 1924–1953), VI.ii, cols 1964–7Google Scholar; Gray, N., ‘The paleography of Latin inscriptions in the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries in Italy’, Papers of the British School at Rome 16 (1948), 38–162, at pp. 97–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 76; Braunfels, W. (ed.), Karl der Grosse. Werke und Wirkung (Aachen, 1965), no. 8, pl. 7Google Scholar. The text was edited by Dümmler, E. (ed.), Poetae Latini Ævi Carolini I (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Poetae) (Berlin, 1881), 113–14Google Scholar, and is translated in Dutton, P.E. (ed.), Carolingian Civilization: a Reader (Peterborough (Ontario), 1993), 46–7Google Scholar.

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8 Gray, ‘Paleography’ (above, n. 5), 97.

9 Ganz, D., ‘‘Roman books’ reconsidered: the theology of Carolingian display script’, in Smith, J.M.H. (ed.), Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West. Essays in Honour of Donald Bullough (The Medieval Mediterranean 28) (Leiden/Boston/Cologne, 2000), 297–315Google Scholar; Harmon, J.A., Codicology of the Court School of Charlemagne: Gospel Book Production, Illumination and Emphasized Script (Bern, 1984), 68–9Google Scholar.

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11 Wallach, Alcuin and Charlemagne (above, n. 10), 193–4; Sims-Williams, P., Religion and Literature in Western England, 600–800 (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 3) (Cambridge, 1990), 328–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Orchard, A., The Poetic Art of Aldhelm (Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England 8) (Cambridge, 1994), 203–9Google Scholar.

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13 De Nuccio, M. and Ungaro, L. (eds), I marmi colorati della Roma imperiale (Venice, 2002), 136–8, no. 51Google Scholar; Schneider, R.M., Bunte Barbaren. Orientalenstatuen aus Farbigem Marmor in der Römischen Repräsentationskunst von Augustus bis Trajan (Worms, 1986)Google Scholar.

14 De Rossi, ‘L'inscription’ (above, n. 5); Rand, E.K., A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours (Studies in the Script of Tours 1) (Cambridge (Mass.), 1929), 41–2Google Scholar; Wallach, Alcuin and Charlemagne (above, n. 10), 178–9; De Rubeis, F., ‘Epigrafi a Roma dall'età classica all'alto medioevo’, in Arena, M.S., Delogu, P., Paroli, L., Ricci, M., Sagui, L. and Venditelli, L. (eds), Roma dall'antichita al medioevo. Archeologia e storia nelMuseo Nazionale Romano, Crypta Balbi (Rome, 2001), 104–21, at pp. 112–13Google Scholar, fig. 83.

15 De Rossi, ‘L'inscription’ (above, n. 5), 485.

16 Kohler, W., Die Karolingischen Miniaturen, I: die Schule von Tours. Band 1, die Ornamentik (Berlin, 1930), 87Google Scholar; Ramackers, J., ‘Die Werstattheimat der Grabplatte Papst Hadrians I’, Römische Quartahchrifi 59 (1964), 36–78Google Scholar.

17 The broader political and cultural context of Hadrian's Epitaph will be explored in more detail in a forthcoming study by J. Story.

18 De Rossi, ‘L'inscription’ (above, n. 5), 484. Our thanks to one of the anonymous referees who noted that the eighth-century epitaph of Otto of Brescia, at Monte Cassino, is cut into a polished slab of purple, black and cloudy white africano (from Teos); A. Pantoni, Le iscrizioni medievali di Montecassino (Monte Cassino, forthcoming), no. 25.

19 On the medieval history of the Lex Vespasiani, see Krautheimer, Rome: Profile (above, n. 7), 192–3; for the mosaic inscription at Santa Sabina, see Diehl, E. (ed.), Inscriptiones Latinae (Tabula in Usum Scholarum IV) (Bonn, 1912), 36bGoogle Scholar; for the painted inscription at Santa Maria Antiqua, see De Rubeis, ‘Epigrafi a Roma’ (above, n. 14), 109, fig. 76, and P.J. Nordhagen, ‘Constantinople on the Tiber: the Byzantines in Rome and the iconography of their images’, in Smith (ed.), Early Medieval Rome (above, n. 9), 113–34, esp. fig. 19.

20 Dodge, H., ‘Main quarries and decorative stones of the Roman world’, in Dodge, H. and Ward-Perkins, B. (eds), Marble in Antiquity: the Collected Papers of J.B. Ward-Perkins (Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 6) (London, 1992), 153–9Google Scholar; Greenhalgh, M., The Survival of Roman Antiquities in the Middle Ages (London, 1989), 126–34Google Scholar; Peacock, D.P.S., Rome in the Desert: a Symbol of Power (Southampton, 1993)Google Scholar.

21 For an introduction to the growing literature on this subject, see Schneider, R.M., ‘Coloured marble: the splendour and power of imperial Rome’, Apollo 154 (July 2001), 3–10Google Scholar.

22 Pliny, , HN 36.29Google Scholar. Gnoli, R., Marmora romana (Rome, 1988), 193–5Google Scholar; Dodge and Ward-Perkins (eds), Marble in Antiquity (above, n. 20), 158; Borghini, G. (ed.), Marmi antichi (Rome, 1998), 254–5Google Scholar.

23 Pliny, , HN 36.8Google Scholar, the reading of the name of the island is uncertain. This marble is now thought probably to be the dark brecchia from Teos in western Turkey (known later as africano in ignorance of its origin); Ballance, M.H., ‘The origin of africano’, Papers of the British School at Rome 34 (1966), 79–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gnoli, Marmora romana (above, n. 22), 174–8, pl. 132–4, 197; Dodge, ‘Main quarries’ (above, n. 20), 157; De Nuccio and Ungaro (eds), I marmi colorati (above, n. 13), 244, 250–1, 262–5 (for the black marble of Chios, long thought to be that of Lucullus).

24 Vegio discussed Pliny's attribution of black marble to Lucullus, and invented an alternative association with Pescennius Niger, the late second-century challenger to Severus; Vegio, ‘De rebus antiquis’ (above, n. 3), col. 0081D–0082B. Also Alpharano, De Basilicae Vaticanae (above, n. 2), 42–3; Grimaldi, Descrizione (above, n. 1), 396.

25 De Rossi (ed.), Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae (above, n. 7), II, p. 411, no. 6.

26 Fornaseri, M., Lazzarini, L., Pensabene, P., Martinez, M.P. and Turi, B., ‘‘Lapis Niger’ and other black limestones used in antiquity’, in Maniatis, Y., Herz, N. and Basiakos, Y. (eds), The Study of Marble and Other Stones Used in Antiquity. ASMOSIA III Athens (London, 1995), 235–40Google Scholar.

27 Festus, De Verborum Significatu; Lindsay, W.M. (ed.), Glossaria Latino 4 (Paris, 1930), 184.19Google Scholar; Coarelli, F., ‘Sepulchrum Romuli’, in Steinby, E.M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae IV (Rome, 1999), 295–6Google Scholar; Ganz, T.N., ‘Lapis Niger: the tomb of Romulus’, La Parola del Passato (Rivista di Studi Antichi 29) (1974), 350–61Google Scholar.

28 Vita Honori, ch. 72.6 — Davis, R. (trans.), The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis). The Ancient Biographies of the First Ninety Roman Bishops to AD 715 (Translated Texts for Historians 6) (Liverpool, 1989), 64–5Google Scholar; Vita Hadriani, ch. 97.51, 97.73, 97.81 — Davis, R. (trans.), The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes (‘Liber Pontificalis) (Translated Texts for Historians 13) (Liverpool, 1992), 145–6 n. 83, 160, 165Google Scholar.

29 Lorsch Annals 795: ‘ … ebitaffium aureis litteris in marmore conscriptum iussit in Francia fieri, ut eum partibus Romae transmitteret ad sepulture summi pontificis Adriani ornandam’; see above, n. 12.

30 F. Unterkircher (ed.), Das Wiener Fragment der Lorscher Annalen, Christus und die Samariterin, Katechese des Niceta von Remesiana. Codex Vindobonensis 515 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek Facsimile Ausgabe (Codices Selecti 15) (Graz, 1967). See also Story, J., Carolingian Connections: Anglo-Saxon England and Carolingian Francia, c. 750–c. 870 (Studies in the Early History of Britain 2) (Aldershot, 2003), 104–10Google Scholar; McKitterick, R., History and Memory in the Carolingian World (Cambridge, 2004), 104–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Collins, R., ‘Charlemagne's imperial coronation and the Annals of Lorsch’, in Story, J. (ed.), Charlemagne: Empire and Society (Manchester, 2005), 52–70Google Scholar.

31 J.B. Ward-Perkins, ‘Materials, quarries and transportation’, in Dodge and Ward-Perkins (eds), Marble in Antiquity (above, n. 20), 13–22, at pp. 13–14.

32 The two parallel areas of damage on lines 19–21 could have been caused by clamps used when the inscription was moved from its original location; these have been filled.

33 Felici, A.C., Fronterotta, G., Piacentini, M., Nicolais, C., Sciuti, S., Vendittelli, M. and Vazio, C., ‘The wall paintings in the former Refectory of Trinità dei Monti convent in Rome: relating observations from restoration and archaeometric analyses to Andrea Pozzo's own treatise on the art of mural painting’, Journal of Cultural Heritage 5 (2004), 17–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 See above, nn. 12 and 29.

35 Dunning, G.C., ‘The distribution of black Toumai fonts’, Antiquaries Journal 24 (1944), 66–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ghislain, J.-C., ‘La production funèraire en pierre de Tournai à l'époque romane. Des dalles funéraires sans décor aux œuvres magistrales du 12e siècle’, in Les Grands-Siecles de Tournai (Art et Histoire 7) (Tournai (Louvain-la-Neuve), 1993), 115–208Google Scholar.

36 Anderson, F. and Groessens, E., ‘The black altars of Nehalennia’, Oudheidkundige Mededelingen uit het Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden (Nieuwe Reeks 76) (1996), 129–38, at p. 133Google Scholar.

37 Pomerol, C. (ed.), Guides géologiques régionaux. Ardenne Luxembourg (Paris, 1973), 23–8Google Scholar; Groessens, E., ‘L'industrie du marbre en Belgique’, Mémoires de l'Institute Géologique de l'Université de Louvain 31 (1981), 219–53Google Scholar.

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39 Groessens, ‘L'industrie’ (above, n. 37), 221–8.

40 La Flèche (Carte géologique de la France à 1/50000, XVI–20) (Orlèans, 1989), 12–13Google Scholar; Lorenz, C. (ed.), Géologie des pays européens. France, Belgique, Luxembourg (Paris, 1980), 176–80Google Scholar; Watson collection, no. 205, Department of Earth Sciences, University of Cambridge.

41 Cristianini, N. and Shawe-Taylor, J., An Introduction to Support Vector Machines and other Kernel-Based Learning Methods (Cambridge, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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43 Groessens, ‘L'industrie’ (above, n. 37), 222.

44 Groessens, E., ‘L'exploitation et l'emploi du marbre noir de Dinant sous ‘Ancien Regime’’, in Lorenz, J. (ed.), Carrières et constructions en France et dans les pays limitrophes III (119e congrès national des sociétés historiques et scientifiques, 1994 Amiens) (Paris, 1996), 73–87Google Scholar.

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47 Anderson and Groessens, ‘Black altars’ (above, n. 36), 132.

48 Groessens, ‘L'industrie’ (above, n. 37), 228; Anderson and Groessens, ‘Black altars’ (above, n. 36), 133. For the Mosan marble itinerary column, see Cumont, F., Catalogues des sculptures et inscriptions antiques (monuments lapidaries) des Musées Royaux du Cinquantenaire (Brussels, 1913), 235–8, no. 196Google Scholar.

49 Panhuysen, T., ‘Maastricht, centre de production de sculptures gallo-romaines et d'inscriptions paleo-chrétiennes’, in Studien zur Sachsenforschung 8 (Hildesheim, 1993), 83–96Google Scholar, no. 4; Boppert, W., ‘Die frühchristlichen Grabinschriften aus der Servatiuskirche in Maastricht’, in De Dijn, C.G. (ed.), Sint-Servatius, Bisschop van Tongeren-Maastricht (Actes du colloque à Alden biesen (Bilzen), Tongres et Maastricht 1984) (Borgloon-Rijkel, 1986), 64–96, at pp. 80–3Google Scholar. Thanks to Wim Dijkman for these references.

50 About 300 altars (or fragments of altars) were recovered from the site (most made of ‘white’ limestone); Stuart, P. and Bogaers, J.E., Nehalennia. Römische Steindenkmäler aus der Oosterschelde bei Colijnsplaat (Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani, Nederland 2, Collections of the National Museum of Antiquities at Leiden IX), 2 vols (Leiden, 2001), I, 18, 132–7, 147–8, 156–7, 184, tav. 91–2, 101Google Scholar.

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52 The most important studies of the aristocratic families of the early medieval Meuse region are: Werner, M., Der Lütticher Raum in Frühkarolingischer Zeit: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte einer Karolingischen Stammlandschaft (Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 62) (Göttingen, 1980)Google Scholar; Gerberding, R.A., The Rise of the Carolingians and the ‘Liber Historiae Francorum’ (Oxford, 1987), 116–45 and map 2Google Scholar; Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 186–93 and fig. 8.

53 Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians (above, n. 52), 125–8.

54 Fouracre, P., The Age of Charles Martel (Harlow, 2000), 61–4Google Scholar; Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians (above, n. 52), 180; Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 180.

55 Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 174–91.

56 Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians (above, n. 52), 99, 125; Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 188–90 and n. 100.

57 For the possible boundaries of the estate, see Despy, G., ‘Henri IV et la fondation du chapitre de Sclayn’, in Mélanges Félix Rousseau: études sur l'histoire du pays mosan au moyen âge (Brussels, 1958), 221–36, at pp. 233–6Google Scholar. Seilles is later mentioned as Carolingian property; the Annales Regni Francorum s.a. 806 say that Charlemagne met his eldest son and the army there; Kurze, F. (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum (Berlin, 1895), 122Google Scholar; Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 209.

58 Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 192–3, 209.

59 Werner, Der Lütticher Raum (above, n. 52), map 14; Theuws, ‘Maastricht’ (above, n. 46), 208–13; M. Untermann, ‘Opere mirabile constructa: die Aachener ‘Residenz’ Karl des Grossen’, in C. Stiegemann and M. Wemhoff (eds), 799, Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit: Karl der Groβe und Papst Leo III in Paderborn. Beiträge zum Katalog der Austellung (Mainz, 1999), 152–64; J.L. Nelson, ‘Aachen as a place of power’, in De Jong, Theuws and van Rhijn (eds), Topographies of Power (above, n. 46), 217–41.

60 See especially the sarcophagus of Saint Chrodoara at Amay; F. Tourneur, ‘Le travail de la pierre’, in Plumier-Torfs et al., Mosa Nostra (above, n. 51), 40, 56–7.

61 Alcuin, Epistolae no. 100; Dümmler, E. (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica Epistolae Karolini Ævi IV (Berlin, 1895), 144–6Google Scholar; Whitelock (trans.), English Historical Documents I (above, n. 12), no. 197; Allott, S., Alcuin of York: his Life and Letters (York, 1974), no. 40Google Scholar.

62 Capitula Synodica III.3, Patrologia Latina 125, col. 794C; McCormick, M., Origins of the European Economy: Community and Commerce, AD 300–900 (Cambridge, 2001), 700Google Scholar.

63 Levison, W., England and the Continent in the Eighth Century (Oxford, 1946), 111Google Scholar; Rahtz, P., ‘Medieval milling’, in Crossley, D.W. (ed.), Medieval Industry (Council for British Archaeology Research Reports 40) (London, 1981), 1–15, at p. 4Google Scholar; Hodges, R., Dark Age Economics: the Origin of Towns and Trade, AD 600–1000 (London, 1982), 124Google Scholar; Hodges, R., The Anglo-Saxon Achievement (London, 1989), 136Google Scholar; examples of these quern-stones are in C. Stiegemann and M. Wemhoff (eds), 799, Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit: Karl der Groβe und Papst Leo III in Paderborn. Katalog der Austellung, 2 vols (Mainz, 1999), I, no. VI.80a–dGoogle Scholar.

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66 Dodge, ‘Main quarries’ (above, n. 20); Fant, J.C., ‘Ideology, gift, and trade: a distribution model for the Roman imperial marbles’, in Harris, W.V. (ed.), The Inscribed Economy: Production and Distribution in the Roman Empire in the Light of ‘Instrumentum Domesticum’ (Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 6) (Ann Arbor, 1993), 145–70, at pp. 164–5Google Scholar.

67 Peacock, ‘Charlemagne's black stones’ (above, n. 64), 712.

68 The church was reconstructed by Sergius I in 689; Coates-Stephens, R., ‘Dark age architecture in Rome’, Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (1997), 177–232, at p. 180CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The columns were moved to the stairs of the Vatican Museums in the eighteenth century. Fragments of black porphyry are known from the pavement of the Domus Flavia in Rome and other pieces were reused in twelfth century panels in San Saba, Rome, and the cathedral at Salerno; Gnoli, Marmora romana (above, n. 22), 77, 138; Borghini (ed.), Marmi antichi (above, n. 22), 272–3.

69 Peacock, ‘Charlemagne's black stones’ (above, n. 64), 713.

70 Perhaps the building known as the ‘Palace of Theoderic’; Codex Carolinus (ed. Gundlach, F.W.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica Epistolae Karolini Ævi I (Berlin, 1892), no. 81Google Scholar; Ricci, C., ‘Marmi ravennati erratici’, Ausonia 4 (1909), 247–89, at pp. 247–8Google Scholar; Jacobsen, W., ‘Spolien in der karolingischen Architektur’, in Poeschke, J. (ed.), Antike Spolien in der Architektur des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (Munich, 1996), 155–77Google Scholar.

71 McClendon, C.B., ‘The revival of opus sectile pavements in Rome and the vicinity in the Carolingian period’, Papers of the British School at Rome 48 (1980), 157–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar; L. Paroli, ‘La scultura a Roma tra il VI e il IX secolo’, in Arena et al. (eds), Roma dall'antichità al medioevo (above, n. 14), 132–43, at p. 132.

72 McClendon, ‘The revival of opus sectile pavements’ (above, n. 71), 162–5, with reference to opus sectile floors at Centula (Cologne), St Germain (Auxerre), Lorsch and Germigny-des-Près. For spolia at the palace sites, see Stiegemann and Wemhoff (eds), 799, Kunst und Kultur (above, n. 63), I, no. 11.59–63, 65 (Ingelheim), no. 11.67–70 (Aachen), but note the doubts over the dates of some of the capitals and column bases.

73 Stiegemann and Wemhoff (eds), 799, Kunst und Kultur (above, n. 63), I, no. II.67–8 (Aachen); II, no. VIII.49d–g (Corvey), no. VIII.50g–j (Münster).

74 Einhard, Vita Karoli, ch. 26; Waitz, G., Einhardi Vita Karoli Magni (Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum) (Hanover/Leipzig, 1911), 30–1Google Scholar; Dutton, P.E. (ed. and trans.), Charlemagne's Courtier: the Complete Einhard. Readings in Medieval Civilizations and Cultures 2 (Peterborough (Ontario), 1998), 32Google Scholar.

75 Peacock, ‘Charlemagne's black stones’ (above, n. 64), 709–10.