Hostname: page-component-745bb68f8f-kw2vx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-01-13T12:24:58.519Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

A collection of inscriptions for Lorenzo de' Medici. Two dedicatory letters from Fra Giovanni Giocondo: introduction, texts and translation*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Michael Koortbojian
Get access

Abstract

An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. Please use the Get access link above for information on how to access this content.
Image of the first page of this content. For PDF version, please use the ‘Save PDF’ preceeding this image.'
Type
Articles
Information
Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 70 , November 2002 , pp. 297 - 317
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 2002

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Some of the material included here was originally presented in lectures in London (1990) and Cologne (1992), and at a seminar in Rome (2000); I would like to thank Nicolai Rubinstein, Henning Wrede and Andrew Hopkins for the invitations to speak on those respective occasions. The original impetus for my interest in the Lorenzo manuscript discussed here I owe to the encouragement of Ingrid Rowland, who long ago urged me to turn my attention to the study of Renaissance manuscripts and prodded me to produce this study. I am very grateful to the late Tilly de la Mare, who has generously shared her expertise over the course of many years. The present article was much improved by the advice of Georgia Clarke, who suggested improvements to the ‘Introduction’, and Philip Hardie, who very graciously spared the translations both infelicities and mistakes; those that may remain are to be attributed to my own stubbornness. Yet my greatest debt is to Michael Crawford; my pursuit of Giocondiana owes much to his wisdom and his encouragement, which are reflected in whatever of value is to be found in the pages that follow. It should go without saying that none of these individuals should be held responsible for the author's errors.

References

1 Vasari, G., Le vite de' più eccellenti pittori scultori ed architettori (ed. Milanesi, G.) (Florence, 1880), V, 264Google Scholar.

2 Ser Francesco (1451–98) was a confidant of Lorenzo, and had been in the service of the Cancelleria of the Florentine Republic since late 1481; see Ristori, G., ‘Ser Francesco di Ser Barone Baroni e il suo servizio nella cancelleria della Repubblica fiorentina’, Archivio Storico Italiano 134 (1976), 231–80Google Scholar.

3 ‘Laurentius ipse hoc hieme suis litteris hortatus est me ut curarem ut colligerentur epigrammata antiqua. Ego opus egregium et dignum tanto viro orditus sum’ (Verde, A.F., Lo studio fiorentino, 1473–1503. Ricerche e documenti (Pistoia, 1977), III, 26Google Scholar). On Cortese and his career, see Pintor, F., Da lettere inedite di due fratelli umanisti (Alessandro e Paolo Cortesi (Perugia, 1907Google Scholar); Banfi, F., ‘Alessandro Tommaso Cortese, glorificatore di Mattia Corvino Re d'Ungheria’, Archivio Storico per la Dalmatia 12 (1937), 535–60Google Scholar: Paschini, P., ‘Una famiglia di curiali nella Roma del Quattrocento: i Cortesi’, Rivista Storica della Chiesa in Italia 11 (1957), 1–48Google Scholar; Brown, A., ‘Between curial Rome and convivial Florence: literary patronage in the 1480s’, Renaissance Studies 2 (1988), 208–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and D'Amico, J.F., Renaissance Humanism and Papal Rome: Humanists and Churchmen on the Eve of the Reformation (Baltimore (Md.), 1983), 72–8Google Scholar; the article on Cortese by Ballistreri, G. in Dizionario biografico italiano XXIX, 750–4Google Scholar, contains typographical errors for a number of crucial dates and should be consulted with caution.

4 ‘Supersedendum est paulisper quia librarius tarde et segniter scribit, et opus magnum est et pulcherrimum’ (Verde, Lo studio fiorentino (above, n. 3), 26).

5 Verde, Lo studio fiorentino (above, n. 3), 26: ‘Praemisi etiam Neapolim fratrem Iucundum antiquarium principem, qui scrutatetur omnia. Ego miro ardeo desiderio videre natam Parthenopem’. On Giocondo, see Ciapponi, L.A., ‘Appunti per una biografia di Giovanni Giocondo da Verona’, Italia Medieovale e Umanistica 4 (1961), 131–58Google Scholar; Brenzoni, R., Fra Giovanni Giocondo Veronese, Verona 1435–Roma 1515 (Florence, 1960Google Scholar); Clarke, G., ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo’, in Grendler, P. (ed.), Encyclopedia of the Renaissance III (New York, 1999), 57–9Google Scholar, with earlier bibliography.

6 The scribe of the Medici sylloge was first identified by Wardrop, J., The Script of Humanism (Oxford, 1963), 19–35Google Scholar, in collaboration with Augusto Campana. Sanvito had come to Rome from Padua by 1464 to serve as a member of the household of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga: see Chambers, D.S., A Renaissance Cardinal and his Worldly Goods: the Will and Inventory of Francesco Gonzaga (1444–1483)(Warburg Institute Surveys and Texts 20) (London, 1992), esp. pp. 59–62Google Scholar, who gives the earlier bibliography. For his manuscripts, see most recently, de la Mare, A., ‘Bartolomeo Sanvito da Padova, copista e miniatore’, in Molli, G. Baldassin, Mariani, G. Canova and Toniolo, F. (eds), La miniatura a Padova dal medioevo al settecento (Modena, 1999), 495–511Google Scholar; Marcon, S., ‘Bartolomeo Sanvito’, Padova e il suo territorio 14 (1999), 46–7Google Scholar.

7 Verde, Lo studio fiorentino (above, n. 3), 27: ‘El libro delli epigrammati, quando sarà finito, per vostre mani andrà’.

8 Brown, ‘Between curial Rome and convivial Florence’ (above, n. 3), 15–16. Of this manuscript, nothing more is heard of in the letters of Cortese that survive.

9 The known discovery date of one particular inscription strongly suggests that the manuscript was sent before January 1489. According to a letter from Nofri Tornabuoni to Lorenzo de' Medici of 31 January 1489 (Florence, Archivio di Stato, MAP 40, fol. 199), a piece of lead pipe from the Fountain of Agrippina bearing the inscriptions Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1862ff.) [hereafter CIL] XV 7311/7247 was found at San Lorenzo in Panisperna: see the article by L. Fusco and Corti, G., ‘Giovanni Ciampolini, a Renaissance dealer in Rome and his collection of antiquities’, Xenia 21 (1991), 7–46Google Scholar, esp. p. 38. This item is not included by Giocondo among those belonging to Ciampolini that are found in the Verona manuscript, towards the end, which thus appear to have been added to the sylloge after the Medici manuscript was produced; for the relationship of these two manuscripts, see below.

10 Angeli Politiani Miscellaneorum Centuria Una (Florence, 1489), cap. LXXVIIGoogle Scholar; see further below.

11 The basic study is Carini, I., Sul codice epigrafico di Fra Giocondo recentemente acquisito dalla Biblioteca Vaticana (Dissertazioni della Pontifica Accademia Romana di Archeologia, 2nd series, V) (Rome, 1894), 221–82Google Scholar. See further, CIL VI, I, ‘Index Auctorum’, p. xliv; Silvagni, A., Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, n.s. I (Rome, 1922), xxxv–xxxviGoogle Scholar; and Ziebarth, E., ‘De Antiquissimis Inscriptionum Syllogis’, part V (‘De Iohanne Iucundo Veronensi’), published as Ephemeris Epigraphica 9 (1905), 221–45Google Scholar.

12 Cf. Carini, Sul codice epigrafico (above, n. 11), 258.

13 These full redactions of the sylloge are: Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare MS 270; Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Magliabecchiano XXVIII,5; Derbyshire, Chatsworth House Library, MS Giocondo; London, British Library, MS Stowe 1016: Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS 10096.

14 The second of Giocondo' s letters is attested by copies in the following manuscripts from Sanvito's hand: Verona; Florence, Magl.; Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, MS Lat. cl. XIV, 171 (4665). Copies of the two letters are also found in Vatican, MS Borg. Lat. 336 (for which see below, n. 37) and Oxford, Bodleian MS Lat. Class, e.29 (for which, see below, n. 38).

15 As in Verona, London, Stowe and Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana MS Ashburnham 905.

16 As in London, Stowe, and London, British Library MS Harley 2528; the latter appears to have been prepared independently for future inclusion in a sylloge.

17 As is found in the following autograph manuscripts: Florence, Ashburnham 905; Chatsworth; London, Stowe; and the independently bound version that is now British Library, Harley 2528. On the Notitia, see the discussion in R. Valentini and Zucchetti, G. (eds), Codice topografico della città di Roma, 4 vols (Rome, 1940), I, 63–88Google Scholar.

18 See Carini, Sul codice epigrafico (above, n. 11), 222–3, for the little that is known of the manuscript's provenance before the late eighteenth century; it was not purchased for the Vatican Library until 1891. The binding is not original, and has been dated to the seventeenth century: Vattasso, M. and Carvisi, H., B.A.V., Codices Manu Scripti Recensi … Codices Vaticani Latini, Codices 9852–10300 (Rome, 1914), 570Google Scholar.

19 See Fusco and Corti, ‘Giovanni Ciampolini’ (above, n. 9), and ‘Lorenzo de' Medici's collection of antiquities’, Studi Italiani di Filologia Classica 10 (1992), 1116–30Google Scholar; a full discussion awaits their forthcoming monograph devoted to Lorenzo's collecting.

20 In the dedicatory letter to Lorenzo of his Miscellanea (above, n. 10), fol. a – iii’, Poliziano spoke of ‘quanquam et vetustas codicum, et nomismatum fides, et in aes, aut in marmore incisae antiquitates, quae tu nobis Laurenti suppeditasti’. However, inscriptions are not noted among the antiquitates ‘in domum Mediceam confluerent’ cited by Rucellai, B., De Bello Italica (London, 1724), 48–9Google Scholar — despite the statement to the contrary by Gori, A.F., Inscriptiones Antiquae (Florence, 1734), III, 46–7Google Scholar.

21 The inventory compiled in 1456 of the books of Piero di Cosimo de' Medici includes ‘uno libro di epitaphij grecij et latinij’, which seems to have been listed again when the inventory was revised by another hand as ‘Liber antiquitatum, in membrane’; the 1464 inventory mentions a ‘Liber Epigrammatum ubique repertorum, coperta violaccia in membranis’; the 1492 inventory of Lorenzo's estate included ‘uno libro di pigrammi di chose antiche in charta di chavaretto cioè in greco et latino choperto di quoio paghonazzo’; and that of 1495 an ‘Epygrammata quedam antiqua latine et grece, in papyro, et pauci valoris’. For the 1456 inventory of the effects of Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici, see Piccolomini, E., ‘Intorno alle condizioni ed alle vicende della libreria Medicea privata’, Archivio Storico Italiano 21 (1875), 111Google Scholar; for the 1464 inventory, Mûntz, E., Les collections des Médicis au quinzième siècle (Paris, 1888), 49Google Scholar; for the 1492 inventory of Lorenzo's estate, Ames-Lewis, F., The Library and Manuscripts of Piero di Cosimo de' Medici (New York/London, 1984), 400Google Scholar; and for the 1495 ‘inventario de' libri di Piero o vero degli heredi di Lorenzo de’ Medici’, see Piccolomini, ‘Intorno alle condizioni’ (above), 56. A concordance of the inventories of Piero (1456, 1464) and Lorenzo (1492) has been provided by Ames-Lewis (The Library and Manuscripts (above), 400).

22 See Scalamonti, F., Vita Viri Clarissimi et Famosissimi Kyriaci Anconitani (edited by Mitchell, C. and Bodnar, E. W. SJ,) (Philadelphia, 1996Google Scholar), with earlier bibliography.

23 See Grafton, A., ‘The scholarship of Politian and its context’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 40 (1977), 150–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in A. Grafton, Defenders of the Text. The Traditions of Scholarship in an Age of Science, 1450–1800 (Cambridge (MA), 1991), 47–75.

24 Broadly sketched by Weiss, R., The Renaissance Discovery of Classical Antiquity (New York, 1969Google Scholar), chapter 11.

25 Antonii, MarciSabellici, Cocci, Familiarium Epistolarum Libri Duodecim (Basle, 1560), III, col. 434fGoogle Scholar; Ziebarth, ‘De Antiquissimis Syllogis’ (above, n. 11), 224; Carini, Sul codice epigrafico (above, n. 11), 250, n. 2.

26 Miscellanea (above, n. 10), cap. LXXVII: ‘In collectanejs autem quae nuperrime ad Laurentium Medicem Iucundus misit, vir unus, opinor, titulorum, monimentorumque veterum supra mortales caeteros non diligentissimus solum, sed etiam sine controversia peritissimus’. This reference is recalled by Vasari, who after mentioning Giocondo's sylloge, reports ‘e di questo libro fa menzione il Poliziano nelle sue Mugillane, nelle quali si serve d'alcune autorità del detto libro, chaimando Fra Iocondo peritissimo in tutte l'antiquaria ’ (Vite V. 264). It may have been the Giocondo manuscript that Poliziano ‘borrowed’ once again in 1492, as a notice of the loan amid the Medici accounts suggests: see Del Piazzo, M., Protocolli del carteggio di Lorenzo il Magnifico per gli anni 1473–74, 1477–92 (Florence, 1956), 491Google Scholar, for the reference dated 3 September 1492 to the loan of ‘Epigrammata, numero 44’ to Poliziano.

27 The practice seems to be of a piece with Giocondo's philological concerns; in th e preface to his Vitruvius, he records: ‘I had started to explain the etymologies an d meanings of many of the author's words … using not only words, but drawings too … I gave up and decided to finish this undertaking some other time and turned to compiling the following index of words’ (cited and translated by Ciapponi, L., ‘Fra Giocondo da Verona and his edition of Vitruvius’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 47 (1984), 72–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 76–7). The fact that the section of the Venetian manuscript in Giocondo's hand has no such marginal notes otherwise might suggest that inclusion of these notations was Sanvito's idea; for the Venetian manuscript, see Koortbojian, M., ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo and his epigraphic methods’, Kölner Jahrbuch 2 (1993), 49–55Google Scholar. Indeed, other manuscripts written by Sanvito display this same, widespread practice: cf. his Cicero (New York, J. Pierpont Morgan Library, MS M.882); his Suetonius written for Ludovico Agnello (illustrated by Wardrop, Script of Humanism (above, n. 6), pl. 17); or his Cicero, De Officiis, now British Library MS Harley 6051 (illustrated by Wardrop, pl. 28).

28 Such scraps are at times found pasted into syllogai; later they were often inserted into one of the early printed editions of inscriptions, such as Metellus's copy of Mazzochius's Epigrammata Urbis Romae of 1521 (BAV, MS Vat. Lat. 8495) or that of Benedetto Egio (Oxford, Bodleian Auct. S10.25); on both of these, see Crawford, M.H. (ed.), Antonio Agustin Between Renaissance and Counter-Reform (London, 1993Google Scholar); cf. also the vast volume of schede that belonged to Aldo Manuzio il Giovane (BAV, MS Vat. Lat. 5237).

29 ‘Dum singula perquirere coepi, ad antiqua exemplaria tanquam ad ansam dignoscendae rei me contuli nee ad pauca quidem nee una tantum regione vel urbe reperta sed multis’ (Vitruvius (Venice, 1511), fol. AA2r; cited by Ciapponi, ‘Fra Giocondo and his Vitruvius’ (above, n. 27), 75 and 76, n. 27).

30 ‘Non unum quodlibet solum perlegendum sed plurima conferenda exemplaria. Ex varia lectione non quae tibi maxime placeat eligenda, sed quae ceteris authoris ipsius scriptis magis accomodata esse videatur, ita ut illius tibi prope animus induendus sit… Ego quidem in eo multum elaboravi, conquisivi multa tota Gallia exemplaria’; cited by Ziebarth, ‘De Antiquissimis Syllogis’ (above, n. 11), 236; cf. Ciapponi, ‘Appunti per una biografia’ (above, n. 5), 148.

31 Bolgar, R.R., The Classical Heritage and its Beneficiaries (Cambridge, 1954CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 1977), chapter VII; cf. Compagnon, A., La seconde main ou le travail de la citation (Paris, 1979Google Scholar). The practice of this ‘note-book method’ found its ancient precedent in the account of the practice of Pliny the Elder, recounted in the letter of his nephew to Baebius Macer (Pliny (the Younger), Epistulae III. 5). For a sixteenth-century example, see Koortbojian, M., ‘A little-known manuscript, an unpublished letter to Aldo Manuzio il Giovane, and a long-forgotten Humanist-antiquarian: Antonio Casario’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 46 (2001), 133–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 Biondo, F., Roma Instaurata (Rome, 1471?)Google Scholar, ‘Praefatio ad Eugenium IV’: ‘Many things have convinced me, Pope Eugenius, to renew, for the benefit of men, knowledge of the ruins of the city of Rome, more than of her buildings, which are (still) now discerned. But what impells me most of all, is that men have so long been ignorant of the learning of past ages, that not only is little known about the buildings which were once in the separate parts of the city itself — not only by the ignorant crowd, but even by those who are the most learned — but that many, indeed almost all things we discern are defiled or rather defamed by false and barbarous names’ (Latin text reprinted in D'Onofrio, C.. Visitiamo Roma nel Quattrocento (Rome, 1989), 99Google Scholar). Petrarch, , De Remediis I. 43Google Scholar: ‘If Cicero or Livy or any other of the illustrious ancients, the elder Pliny above all, were to return today and to reread their writings, would they recognize them and not hesitate in many places, believing this passage not their own and that one unintelligible gibberish?’ (translation from Rawski, C., Petrarch's Remedies for Fortune Fair and Foul, 5 vols (Bloomington, 1991), I, 141Google Scholar). Varro, apud Augustine, De Civitate Dei XXII. 28Google Scholar: ‘In the books which he wrote On the Race of the Roman People, Marcus Varro sets down a more marvellous thing. I think his words should be quoted’: ‘Certain astrologers have written that there is a rebirth of men which the Greeks call palingenesia, by which in 440 years the same body and soul which were once joined in a man come back to be joined once more’ (translation from Green, W.M., Augustine: Citv of God, 7 vols (Cambridge (MA), 1972), VII, 353Google Scholar).

33 Apollinaris, Sidonius, Epistulae III. xii.5Google Scholar: ‘and see that the mason makes no blunders on the marble: because if such a thing is done, whether from perversity or from carelessness, the malignant reader is sure to put it down to me rather than to the engraver’ (translation from Anderson, W.B., Sidonius Apollinaris: Poems and Letters, 2 vols (Cambridge (MA), 1965), II, 45Google Scholar); cf. Cicero, , Brutus LXXXIII. 288Google Scholar: ‘In like manner I hold that those friends of yours do well to shun this new oratory still in a state of ferment, like must from the basin of the wine-press, and conversely that they ought not to strive for the manner of Thucydides — splendid, doubtless, but, like the vintage of Anicius, too old. Thucydides himself, if he had lived at a somewhat later time would have been mellower and less harsh’ (translation from Hendrickson, G.L., Cicero: Brutus and Orator (Cambridge (MA), 1997), 251Google Scholar).

34 On the imitation of Giocondo's dedicatory letters in the famous epistle to Leo X, see I.D. Rowland, ‘Raphael, Angelo Colocci, and the genesis of the architectural orders’, Art Bulletin.

35 The role of illustrations in Giocondo's Vitruvius is discussed thoroughly by Ciapponi, ‘Fra Giocondo and his Vitruvius’ (above, n. 27). Yet despite Giocondo's statement about presenting the texts without drawings, he too drew some of the more interesting reliefs in the Venice manuscript, Marc. Lat. XIX, 171, when he recorded texts on his trip to Paris (see Koortbojian, ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo and his epigraphic methods’ (above, n. 27)). Later antiquarians looked askance on the wholely fanciful aspects of the kind of embellishments that Sanvito provided; cf. Gian Vincenzo Pinelli writing to Aldo Manuzio il Giovane in 1566 about the drawings of Felice Feliciano in the sylloge of Giovanni Marcanova’: ‘un libro … ornato di molte figure che non fanno ad rem’ (Pastorello, E., Inedita Manutiana, 1502–1597: appendice all'inventario (Venice, 1957), no. 1263Google Scholar).

36 T. Mommsen, in Monatsberichte der Berliner Akademie (1868), 395, and in CIL III, p. xxvii, was the first to observe that there were three recensions or editions of the sylloge; cf. the comments of Ziebarth, ‘De Antiquissimis Syllogis’ (above, n. 11), 240–1.

37 Copied not before 1492, since it includes material in the Verona manuscript's first quire that was added in that year, and was probably the work of Jacopo Questenberg, according to Prof. A.C. de la Mare (pers. comm.); cf., however, the attributions to Sanvito in Ruysschaeert, J., E. S. Piccolomini, Pius II (Siena, 1965), 274–80Google Scholar; Morello, G. (ed.), Raffaello e la Roma dei papi (Vatican City, 1986), 101–2Google Scholar; and Buonocore, M., ‘Miscellanea epigraphica e codicibus Bibliothecae Vaticanae, II’, Epigraphica 48 (1986), 179Google Scholar.

38 To these may be added the evidence of Oxford, Bodleian MS Lat. Class, e.29, which was copied by the Milanese painter Protasius Crivelli, who signed and dated the colophon 1498. Its contents demonstrate that it was copied from yet another redaction of the first recension, which is now unknown.

39 See Koortbojian, ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo and his epigraphic methods’ (above, n. 27).

40 The north Italian additions, and the probable role of Sanvito, also has been noted by Hobson, A., Humanists and Bookbinders. The Origins and Diffusion of the Humanist Bookbinding, 1459–1559 (Cambridge, 1989). 88Google Scholar.

41 These are (1) the Verona MS, (2) Florence's Laurenziana MS Ashburnham 905, and (3) a small manuscript now in the Vatican, Vat. Lat. 5326. In each are to be found marginalia in Sanvito's hand, such as, concerning CIL VI 26531, ‘in primo libro ego exscripsi et accepi: ibi melius’ (Biblioteca Laurenziana, MS Ashburnham 905, fol. 11 (= “libro 2°); cf. Verona, Bibloteca Capitolare, MS 270. fol. viii (= “libro 1°).

42 ‘Recordo che a di 11 decembre [1509] deti a M. Zuane Jocundo el primo libro de li Epigrammi el quale lo portò a Venetia per farli stampare’; the addendum reads: ‘E a di 16 febraro 1510 hebbe l'altro libro cioe el 2.° coperto de coro azuro, el qual etiam portò a Venetia’ (S. De Kunnert, ‘Un padovano ignoto ed il suo memoriale de’ primi anni del cinquecento (1505–1511)’, Bolletino del Miiseo Civico di Padova 10 (1907): 1–16, 64–73Google Scholar, at p. 15). Brenzoni, Fra Giovanni Giocondo Veronese (above, n. 5), 79, has suggested, surely incorrectly, that the Martial manuscript may be the two ‘libri’ referred to here by Sanvito.

43 In the colophon of Albertini's Opusculum de Mirabilibus Novae et Veteris Romae of 1510, its publisher Giacomo Mazzochi had announced an ‘Epitaphiorum libellus’ that was to appear ‘in paucos dies’ (see Weiss, Renaissance Discovery (above, n. 24), 157). Were these two projects in any way connected? Mazzochi published, c. 1510, a very rare edition of the Della Valle menologium, or calendar, the source for which was clearly Giocondo's sylloge (see now Rhodes, D.E., ‘Further notes on the publisher Giacomo Mazzochi’, Papers of the British School at Rome 40 (1972), 239–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in his Studies in Early Italian Printing (London, 1982), 107–10). Mazzochius finally did publish his collection of Roman inscriptions, the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis Romae, in 1521, and as so many of its texts seem to derive from the Giocondo corpus (as the editors of the CIL have suggested), it is tempting to conclude that he had acquired and held on to copies of the materials Sanvito had sent to Venice so many years before. A further connection between Mazzochi and Giocondo may have been Angelo Colocci, who may have funded the publication of the Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis Romae: on the title page of the copy that belonged to Antonio Lelio (Vat. Lat. 8492), there is written, in an unknown hand, ‘A. Colocci impensa’; for the relations between the two, see now Rowland, I.D., The Culture of the High Renaissance: Ancients and Moderns in Sixteenth-century Rome (Cambridge, 1998), 139–40, 177–8Google Scholar.

44 ‘F. Ioannes Iocundus Veronensis ordinis praedictorum, vir disertissimus et doctissimus, atque Magnifici Laurenti i Medici Florentiae reip. principis amicitia clarus, multa edidit ingenii sui monumenta, quorum praecipuum est duorum millium et amplius veterum inscriptionum in unum corpus collecto’ (Onuprhii Panvinii Veronensis Augustiani Antiquitatum Veronensium Libri Octo (Verona, 1647), 167; the work was composed at the end of the 1550s and left unfinished: see Perini, D.A., Onophrio Panvinio e le sue opere (Rome, 1899), 88–90Google Scholar).

45 Such notations are found in Metellus's sylloge, MS Vat. Lat. 6039 (for example, on fols 87, 101, 104, 104v, 330v). They are similarly found in Metellus's annotated copy of Mazzochius's Epigrammata Antiquae Urbis Romae = MS Vat. Lat. 8495; numerous examples are cited by Mommsen, T., ‘Observationes epigraphicae’, Ephemeris Epigraphica 1 (1872), 71–3Google Scholar. A survey of ‘The epigraphical manuscripts of Jean Matal’, compiled by M.H. Crawford, appears as appendix II in Crawford (ed.), Antonio Agustin (above, n. 28), 279–89.

46 De Rossi, G.B. (ed.), Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae II (Rome, 1888Google Scholar), pars prima, 400–1; for the authority that the cardinal's sylloge held for sixteenth-century antiquarians such as Metellus, see Mommsen, ‘Observationes epigraphicae’ (above, n. 45).

47 See G.B. Rossi, ‘Delle sillogi epigrafiche dello Smezio e del Panvinio’, Annali dell'Instituto (1862), 220–44; Limentani, I. Calabi, ‘Note su classificazione ed indici epigrafici dallo Smezio al Moricelli: antichità, rhetorica, critica’, Epigraphica 49 (1987), 177–202Google Scholar.

48 So described in Raffael's 1514 letter to his uncle, Simone Ciarla: see V. Golzio, Raffaello nei documenti (1936; anastatic reprint, Westmead, 1971), 31–2.

49 Giocondo's editions have been noted above; for his manuscripts that were bequeathed to Angelo Colocci, see Rowland, ‘Raphael, Angelo Colocci, and the orders’ (above, n. 34), 97 and n. 69 (MS Vat. Lat. 5349); Colocci also owned Giocondo's collection of measurement texts, MS Vat. Lat. 4539. Surviving letters: Brenzoni, Fra Giovanni Giocondo Veronese (above, n. 5); for Guillaume Budé's lecture notes in his copy of the 1497 Venetian edition of Vitruvius, see Juren, V., ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo et le début des études vitruviennes en France’, Rinascimento 14 (1974), 101–15Google Scholar; for Giocondo's influence on Budé's Annotationes in Libros Pandectarum of 1508, see L. Ciapponi, ‘Agli inizi dell'umanesimo francese: Fra Giocondo e Guglielmo Budé’, in Besomi, O., Gianella, G., Martini, A. and G, Pedrojetta (eds), Forme e vicendeper Giovanni Pozzi (Medioevo e umanesimo) (Padua, 1988), 101–18Google Scholar; an overview of his architectural work has been provided by Clarke, ‘Fra Giovanni Giocondo’ (above, n. 5).

50 As in the sylloge of A.F. Gori, now in the Biblioteca Marucelliana in Florence.

51 See Momigliano, A., ‘Ancient history and the antiquarian’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 13 (1950), 285–315CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52 Magl FRATER JOANNES JUCUNDUS VERONENSIS REVEREN. IN CHRISTO P. ET DOMINO. D. LUD. DE AGNELLIS MA(N)TUAN. DIVINI MUNERIS GRATIA CONSENTINO ARCHIEPISCOPO SAL. P. D. PRISCA URBIS ROMAE VENERANDE PONTIFEX; Ver FRATER JOANNES JUCUNDUS VERONEN(SIS) LAURENTIO MEDICI SAL. PL. D.

53 Magl omits ‘& locorum eius nomina ita abolita’.

54 Ver, Magl possumus.

55 Ver, Magl praesertim quia.

56 Ver, Magl sunt.

57 Ver, Magl si ad has auras iterum remearent. Quinetiam &si incorrupti haberentur haud quaquam satis.

58 Ver, Magl extant.

59 Ver, Magl supsersunt Romanis Reliquiis.

60 Ver, Magl Quid.

61 Ver, Magl equorum pedibus.

62 Ver, Magl potentum.

63 Ver, Magl in horas.

64 Ver, Magl videatur.

65 Ver, Magl nec.

66 Ver, Magl omit ‘quidem’.

67 Vat, Ver, Magl epigrammatis.

68 Magl venerande Praesul.

69 Ver omits.

70 Ver, Magl add ‘gratiae’.

71 Magl in caeteris christianae reipublicae negociis honestissime ac prudentissime consulis.

72 Vat, Ver, Magl vendicas.

73 Vat, Ver, Magl cogitate.

74 Ver, Magl omit ‘id’.

75 Ver, Magl sed clementiae tuae referri.

76 Magl Bartolomeo Sanvito.

77 Ver amantissimo.

78 The text printed here is based on the Verona MS, collated with Magliabecchiano MS.

79 Magl debebat.

80 Vat, Magl excedunt.

81 Ver, Magl videntur.

82 The entire list has been derived from the late antique Regionary Catalogues, which Giocondo surely knew; Sanvito included copies with several redactions of Giocondo's sylloge: see n. 17.

83 Zoophorus: ‘the frieze of a column, between the epistylium and the coronis’ (Lewis and Short); as the word is attested only in Vitruvius (III. 3), this passage serves as evidence of Giocondo's detailed knowledge and study of the text by 1489.