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Looking for Camerius: The Topography of Catullus 55

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

T. P. Wiseman
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Extract

      Oramus, si forte non molestum est,
      demonstres ubi sint tuae tenebrae.
      Te campo quaesivimus minore,
      te in circo, te in omnibus libellis,
      te in templo summi Iovis sacrato.    5
      In Magni simul ambulatione
      femellas omnes, amice, prendi,
      quas vultu vidi tamen sereno.
      †avelte† sic ipse flagitabam,
      Camerium mihi, pessimae puellae!    10
      Quaedam inquit, nudum reduc <…..>
      en hic in roseis latet papillis.
      Sed te iam ferre Herculei labos est,
      tanto te in fastu negas, amice.
      Dic nobis ubi sis futurus, ede    15
      audacter, committe, crede luci.
      Nunc te lacteolae tenent puellae?
      Si linguam clauso tenes in ore,
      fructus proicies amoris omnes:
      verbosa gaudet Venus loquella.    20
      Vel, si vis, licet obseres palatum,
      dum vestri sim particeps amoris.
      22 vestri V (al. nostri R2m1G2) sim θ: sis V

Poem 55 poses a variety of metrical, textual and semantic problems: why do 13 of its 22 lines have only ten syllables instead of 11? Should ‘poem 58b’ be incorporated into it, and if so, where? What did the narrator say to the girls in line 9? What exactly did the girl say or do in line 11? Who are the lacteolae puellae of line 17? What is the reading (and the meaning) of the last line? This article, however, is concerned only with the topographical details in lines 3–6. I assume for the sake of argument that the poem is complete in itself (even if ‘poem 58b’ is added, it does not affect the topographical question), and I accept the traditional view that Camerius is a friend and approximate contemporary for whom the narrator is searching like Amphitryo for Naucrates, or Epidicus for Periphanes.

Type
Research Article
Information
Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 48 , November 1980 , pp. 6 - 16
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1980

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References

1 Besides the standard Catullan commentaries, see Bianco, O., 1964: Rivista di cultura classica e medioevale 6: 33–44Google Scholar; Condorelli, S., 1965: Helikon 5: 463–80Google Scholar; Peachy, F., 1972 Phoenix 26: 258–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Macleod, C. W., 1973 CQ, 23: 295–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goold, G. P., 1973 Interpreting Catullus (Inaugural lecture, London): 15–21Google Scholar.

2 Cf. Plaut. Amph. 1009–14, Epid. 196–200. The view of Goold (op. cit. 20 f.) and Slater, W. J. (BICS 21, 1974: 136 fGoogle Scholar.) that Camerius was a little slave-boy, ‘a delicium or boudoir pet’, seems to me untenable: see BICS 23, 1976: 15–17Google Scholar, adducing the Camerius who was brother-in-law to Q. Cornificius (ILLRP 439, cf. E. Rawson, 1978 CQ 28: 190 f.), and the incidence of Camerii of local-magistrate status in the area of Patavium.

3 Prop. II 32. 11 f., IV 8. 75; Ovid, AA I 67Google Scholar, III 387; Mart II 14. 10, XI 1. 11, XI 47. 3.

4 Augustine, CD VI 10Google Scholar, quoting Seneca's lost de superstitione.

5 Ovid, Trist. II 283–94Google Scholar; for meretrices in temples, see also Juv. IX 24, Tert. Apol. 15, Porph. on Hor., Sat. I 2Google Scholar. 94, etc.

6 Plaut. Curc. 470–81 (Forum), 482 (Vicus Tuscus), 483 f. (Velabrum). Forum: Cat. 10. 2; Plaut. Amph. 1012, Epid. 198, Bacchides 347, Capt. 786, etc.; Varro Men. 456B, Cael. ap. Cic., fam. VIII 1. 4Google Scholar. Vicus Tuscus: Hor., Sat. II 3. 228Google Scholar, with scholiasts. Velabrum: Macr., Sat. I 10. 15Google Scholar (locus celeberrimusurbis), Hor., Sat. II 3. 229Google Scholar. Forum Bovarium: Cic. Scaur. 23, cf. Livy XXXV 40. 8; its proximity to the river harbour must have made it a crowded and raffish area.

7 Val. Max. VII 8. 9, Caesar ap. Charis., Gramm. Lat. I 79KGoogle Scholar.

8 Cf. Cic., Cael. 64, 66Google Scholar (‘multorum oculis’) for the crowded balneae Seniae; according to Horace, (Sat. I 4. 75 f.Google Scholar, cf. Petr. Sat. 91), the baths provided a good audience for poetry recitals.

9 Basin: Cato, agr. 10.2, 88Google Scholar. 2, Cic., leg. II 66Google Scholar. Lips: Cat. 8. 18, 61. 213, 63. 74, 64. 104 and 316, 80. 1, 99. 7.

10 Op. cit. (n. 1) 18 f.

11 Ellis, R., A Commentary on Catullus (ed. 2Oxford 1889) 190Google Scholar; in fact, the Cicero reference should be to Quinct. 27. For the second sort of libelli, see also Ulp., Dig. XLVII 2. 43. 8Google Scholar.

12 W. C. Handy, 1923, ‘The Harlem Blues’ in the version written for Handy's film biography St. Louis Blues (1957).

13 Prop. III 23. 23, ‘i puer, et citus haec aliqua propone columna’; cf. Hor., Sat. I 4. 71Google Scholar, Mart. VII 61. 5 for tabernae advertising on pilae, and Cat. 37. 2 for the salax taberna nine columns down from the temple of Castor.

14 Cic., Att. I 18. 8Google Scholar (cf. JRS 59, 1969: 61Google Scholar), Quinct. 50. Ellis, loc. cit.: ‘I have looked for you every-where, in the smaller Campus, the Circus, every place where I was likely to hear of missing articles’. Rightly rejected by Fordyce, C. J., 1961, Catullus: a Commentary, Oxford- 227Google Scholar: ‘in libellis in this sense would be an anomalous item in the list Campus, Circus, Capitol’.

15 Gell., NA V 4. 1Google Scholar: ‘apud Sigillaria forte in libraria ego et Iulius Paulus poeta, vir memoria nostra dignissimus, consideramus’.

16 Mart. V 20. 8–10: ‘sed gestatio, fabulae, libelli, campus, porticus, umbra, Virgo, thermae, haec essent loca semper, hi labores’.

17 Cf. Cat. 58b. 1–6: some unfamiliar exempla from Greek mythology. I have discussed Catullus' Graecisms and their significance in Clio's Cosmetics: Three Studies in Greco-Roman Literature (Leicester 1979): 167–9Google Scholar. Attic idiom: Aristophanes Wasps 789, Lys. 557 (the two examples Scaliger cites), Eccl. 303, Knights 1375, Eupolis fr. 304, Lysias 22. 6, Theophr., Char. 11.4, etcGoogle Scholar.

18 Cat. 14. 17–19: ‘nam si luxerit, ad librariorum curram scrinia, Caesios Aquinos Suffenum omnia colligam venena’. Asc. 33C: ‘populus duce Sex. Cloelio scriba corpus P. Clodi in curiam intulit cremavitque subselliis et tribunalibus et codicibus librariorum’.

19 Cic., Phil. II 21Google Scholar: ‘cum tu ilium in foro spectante populo Romano gladio insecutus es negotiumque transegisses, nisi se ille in scalas tabernae librariae coniecisset’. Hor., Epist. I 20. 1–2Google Scholar: ‘Vertumnum Ianumque, liber, spectare videris, scilicet ut prostes Sosiorum pumice mundus’ (cf. n. 6 above for the metaphor); for Vertumnus, see ps. Asc. 255St, Prop. IV 2. 5–6 (Forum, crowds). ‘Ianus’ no doubt refers to the Argiletum, where there were booksellers in Martial's time (I 2. 7 f., 3. 1, 117. 8–11).

20 Dion. Hal. V 36. 4: ὂθεν καὶ μέχρις έμοῦ Τυρρηνῶν οἲκησις ύπὸ Ῥωμαίων ϰαλεῖται κατά τήν έπιχώριον διάλεκτον ἡ φέρουσα δίοδος άπὸ τῆς άγορᾶς έπὶ τὸν μέγαν ἱππόδρομον. Cf. Cic., Verr. I 154Google Scholar: ‘quis a signo Vortumni in circum maximum venit quin is uno quoque gradu de avaritia tua commoneretur? quam tu viam tensarum atque pompae eius modi exegisti ut tu ipse ilia ire non audeas’.

21 Fori publici: Livy XXIX 37. 2 (204 B.C.), cf. I 35. 8, 56. 2, Dion. Hal. III 68. 1, IV 44. 1. Carceres: Ennius Ann. 84–6V (ap. Cic., div. I 108Google Scholar), cf. Livy VIII 20. 1 (329 B.C.), XLI 27. 6 (174 B.C.). Signa on columns: Livy XXXIX 7. 8 (186 B.C.), XL 2. 2 (182 B.C.). Ova ad notas curriculis numerandis: Livy XLI 27. 6 (174 B.C.).

22 PBSR 42, 1974: 3–26Google Scholar, especially p. 4; see also vol. 44 (1976) 44–7.

23 Varro, LL V 154Google Scholar, cf. Fest. 478L, Fasti Ostienses A.D. 145 (Inscr. It. XIII. 1 205). No seats: Forma Urbis Romae frr. 30 and 31cc; Longhi, G. Marchetti, 1970, MEFR(A) 82: 124f.Google Scholar; Lugli, G., 1970, Itinerario di Roma antica Milan: 415Google Scholar (q.v. also for the absent obelisk).

24 Cic., Att. I 14. 1Google Scholar, cf. Mart. XII 74.2, CIL VI 9713 (market, shops, banks); Dio LV 2.2 (Drusus' funeral); Livy XXVII 21. 1, Cic., Att. I 14. 1Google Scholar, Sest. 33, red. Sen. 13, 17 (contiones etc.).

25 Cic., Att. I 14. 1Google Scholar (crowds), Plane. 55 (divisor).

26 TLL III 1184–8. I do not count Ovid Fasti VI 205 and 209, where the context (Appius' Bellona temple, 201–4) makes it clear to the reader which circus is meant.

27 Vell. II 1. 2: ‘Tum Scipio Nasica in Capitolio porticus, turn quas praediximus [I 11. 3–5] Metellus, tum in circo Cn. Octavius multo amoenissimam moliti sunt’. Since Metellus' portico was also in circo Flaminio (Macr., Sat. III 4. 2Google Scholar), the phrase may be suspect anyway.

On the MSS tradition of Velleius, see now Woodman, A. J., 1977, Velleius Paterculus: the Tiberian Narrative Cambridge: 12 f.Google Scholar: ‘The text of V. depends on a lost archetype, a lost apograph, and three extant authorities … (M) [the archetype] was extremely corrupt, difficult to read, and lacking both punctuation and word-divisions. It was copied by (R) [the apograph], and if the anonymous copyist was able to improve the text in a few places, we scarcely need Rhenanus' criticism of him to tell us that his main contribution would be the introduction of still further errors in addition to those already present in (M).’ The three extant authorities, P, A and B, are all derived from either (M) or (R).

28 Pace Richardson, L. Jr, 1980, AJP 101: 54Google Scholar, who writes: ‘the designation in circo is used for a small group of buildings all in the immediate vicinity of the Circus Flaminius square’. In circo Flaminio, yes, but not just in circo.

29 10 April, 19 April, 3 May, 14 July, 15–18 September, 1 November, 15–17 November; eight or nine more were due to Caesar and Augustus (1 May, 27–30 July, 1 August?, 19 September, 23 September, 12 October). For the evidence, see A. Degrassi's edition of the Fasti, , Inscr. It. XIII. 2 (Rome 1963Google Scholar).

30 See Coarelli, F., 1977, MEFR(A) 89: 807–46, especially pp. 839–42Google Scholar; Corp. Gloss. Lat. II 201 ‘trigarium τόπος ὃπου ἳπποι γυμνάζονται’ (cf. Zosimus II 3. 1–2).

31 The locus classicus is Dion. Hal. III 68. 2–4 (describing one of the marvels of the Augustan city); Suet. DJ 39. 2, Pliny, NH XXXVI 102Google Scholar (Caesar); Dio L 10. 3 (fire, 31 B.C.); Cassiod., Var. III 51. 4Google Scholar (Augustus). For the visual evidence (mosaics, reliefs, coin-types, etc.), see the list in Lugli, I. (ed.), 1962, Fontes ad topographiam veteris urbis Romae pertinentes VIII Rome: 412–7Google Scholar.

32 Cic. Mur. 73: ‘quid statuent in viros primaries qui in circo totas tabernas tribulium causa compararunt?’. Licinius: Cic. Mil. 65. Smaller: cf. Morgan, M. G., 1973, Philologus 117: 36–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar on Pliny, NH XXXVI 102Google Scholar, suggesting that Pliny's figures come from a pre-Caesarian Greek source for whom the length of the Circus was only three times its breadth.

33 Juv. VI 582–4, 588–91; Livy XXXIX 16. 8 (186 B.C), Cic., div. I 132Google Scholar (quoting Ennius fr. cxxxiv Jocelyn); Ffor. Sat. 16. 113 and ps. Acro ad loc.

34 Dio Chrys. Or. 20. 10: the ‘juggler’ is ό θαῦμα άποδιδομένος.

35 CIL VI 9822 (‘pomar. de circo maximo ante pulvinar’); VI 31900 (‘tonsor de circum’–sic), XV 7172 (‘reduc me ad Flora ad tonsores’), Tac., Ann. II 49. 1Google Scholar, Fasti Allifani 13 Aug. (Flora ad circum maximum), Ovid Fasti V 189 f., 372 (Flora's munera circi, venatio of goats and hares); Priapea 27 (Quinctia).

36 Suet., Nero 27. 2Google Scholar, Juv. III 62–5; cf. Hor., Sat. I 2. 1Google Scholar and Porph. The Quinctia poem is reminiscent of Copa Syrisca in the Virgilian Appendix.

37 See n. 35 above. For the principle that ludi were held in front of the temple of the divinity concerned, see Hanson, J. A., 1959, Roman Theater-Temples, PrincetonGoogle Scholar: e.g. Arnobius, adv. nat. VII 33Google Scholar (Floralia, Megalesia), Cic. har. resp. 24 (Megalesia), Livy XL 51. 3 (Apollinares). On the Floralia as low-class ludi scaenici, see Ovid, Fasti V 347–57Google Scholar (turba meretricia, 349), Val. Max. II 10. 8 (mimae nudandae), Sen., Ep. 97.8Google Scholar (meretrices nudandae), Mart. I pref. 7–8, I 35. 8–9; Lactantius, (div. inst. I 20. 6–10Google Scholar) accounts for it with a rationalising aetiology of Flora as a wealthy meretrix.

38 Suet. DA 74 ad fin.; cf. Festus 370L for ludii in circo. Was the funambulus who stole Terence's audience (Hec. 4 f.) performing in the Circus?

39 Cf. Hor., Sat. II 3. 25 fGoogle Scholar. on frequentia compita; Hor., Epist. I 17. 58 fGoogle Scholar. (beggar), Cat. 47. 7 (cadging dinners); Cic. Mur. 13, Prop. II 20. 22, Hor. AP 245–7, Ovid, am. III 1. 18Google Scholar, Juv. VI 412 (gossip).

40 Juv. I 64 f., medio quadrivio. Sen., de ira II 8. 1Google Scholar: ‘cum videris … ilium circum, in quo maximam sui partem populus ostendit, hoc scito, istic tantundem esse vitiorum quantum hominum’.

41 Ovid, Fasti II 858–60Google Scholar, III 517–22 (Caelian, 522); Varro, LL VI 13Google Scholar, Festus (Paulus) 71L, 117L.

42 E.g. Richardson, op. cit. (n. 28 above) 53–5: ‘A number of identifications and explanations have been advanced for [Catullus' phrase], some preposterous, such as that the Campus Martialis on the farther reaches of the Caelian is meant’ (p. 53, my italics).

43 Strabo V 3. 8 (C236); see Liverpool Classical Monthly 4. 7 (July 1979) 129–34, especially p. 130 f.Google Scholar, based on the topography of the Agrippan Campus detected by Coarelli, op. cit. (n. 30 above), especially pp. 830–7 on the Euripus. Professor Richardson (loc. cit.) suggests a ‘lesser campus’ marked off by the Amnis Petronia, but the amnis was surely underground in Catullus' time.

44 Richardson op. cit. 54; Cat. 55. 13 (Hercules), 58b. 1–7 (Ladas, Perseus, Pegasus, Rhesus' horses, etc.).

45 I know of no evidence for Professor Richardson's view that ‘nothing within the pomerium was called a campus’ (op. cit. 53 n. 1); naturally, one would expect open ground to be outside the walls, but I do not think the word campus necessarily requires it.

46 Cic. Pis. 61, cf. 55; Nisbet, R. G. M., Cicero, in L. Calpurnium Pisonem oratio (Oxford 1961) 123Google Scholar for the inescapable inference that Piso made his way to the Porta Caelimontana inside the walls.

47 Colini, A. M., 1944, Storia e topografia del Celio nell'antichità, Rome: 33–5Google Scholar, followed by Coarelli, F., 1980, Roma (Guide archeologiche Laterza, Bari): 153, 172Google Scholar; Nash, E., 1963, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: 113Google Scholar for the Augustan, arch (CIL VI 1384Google Scholar). Säflund, G., 1932, Le mura di Roma repubblicana, Lund: 201 f.Google Scholar, places it further north and lower down, on the Via S. Giovanni in Laterano, but that gate is more probably the Porta Querquetulana (Pliny, NH XVI 37Google Scholar, Festus 314L, cf. Tac., Ann. IV 65.1Google Scholar for Querquetulanus as an old name of the Caelian); the ‘Caelian gate’ itself should surely be at the highest point on the Caelian stretch of the wall. For the course of the ‘Servian’ wall on the Caelian, cf. Säflund, op. cit. 40 f., 141; Coarelli, op. cit. 15.

48 Cic., off. III 66Google Scholar, Val. Max. VIII 2. 1; the arbiter in the ensuing lawsuit was M. Cato tr. pl. 99(?), who died as candidate for the praetorship some time before 91 (Gell., NA XIII 20Google Scholar. 14, Plut., Cato min. 1.1Google Scholar).

49 Nepos ap. Pliny, NH XXXVI 48Google Scholar: Mamurra the first in Rome to ‘parietes crusta marmoris operuisse totos’. Cf. Cat. 29. 3 f.

50 Cf. Cic. Cael. 18, on M. Caelius in 59: ‘cum et ex publica causa [the successful prosecution of C. Antonius] iam esset … gloriosam victoriam consecutus, et per aetatem magistratus petere posset, non modo permittente patre sed etiam suadente ab eo semigravit et, cum domus patris a foro longe abesset, quo facilius et nostras domus obire et ipse a suis coli posset, conduxit in Palatio non magno domum’.

51 Pliny, NH XXXVI 48Google Scholar, cf. Hor., Sat. I 7. 37Google Scholar (Formiae); Cic., Att. VII 7. 6Google Scholar and Cat. 29 for his wealth. Propertius on the Esquiline: Prop. III 23. 24, IV 8.1.

52 For the evidence, see JRS 69 (1979) 167 fGoogle Scholar. Much the same was no doubt true of Camerius: see n. 2 above.