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Two Templar-Hospitaller Preceptories North of Tuscania
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 August 2013
Extract
Very little work has so far been published on the Templars and Hospitallers in the area north of Rome, so that this study of the two preceptories of San Savino and Castell'Araldo makes a contribution to the history of both Orders. Archaeological investigations of Hospitaller and Templar preceptories or commanderies have been made in a number of countries. In this present case there was no excavation, but the combination of a careful survey on the ground with a detailed though far from exhaustive study of the written sources has made it possible to evaluate the significance of these preceptories as economic and social units, while the identification and investigation of two previously unnoticed and markedly dissimilar abandoned communities is of some value for the general history of the region.
The existing works on the neighbourhood contain almost no information about the two castles, neither of which has so far attracted scholarly attention. The chronicles and archives of Viterbo and Orvieto are more helpful, though only very limited research on unpublished materials from these two towns was attempted. Scarcely anything relevant to the medieval period seems to have been preserved at Marta, where the Archivio Comunale is in disorder, though the consiglio records contain a wealth of post-1500 documents which could be used to study the agrarian history of the area.
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References
1 The standard work is still Silvestrelli, G., ‘Le chiese e i feudi dell'Ordine dei Templari e dell'Ordine di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme nella regione romana’, Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei Lincei: classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, xxvi (1917Google Scholar), with appendix in xxvii (1918), 174–176; part of this material is repeated almost verbatim in his Città, castelli e terre della regione romana, 1 vols. (3rd revised ed.: Rome, 1970Google Scholar).
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9 Archivio Vaticano, Archivum Arcis, Arm. D. 207; an enormously long and partly illegible roll, summarized with extracts—not altogether accurately—in Schottmüller, K., Der Untergang des Templer-Ordens, ii (Berlin, 1887), 403–419Google Scholar; see also excerpts in Silvestrelli (1917), 526–531 et passim.
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13 There was much digging in the 19th century, but little publication to indicate exacdy where discoveries were made: see Gampanari and Quilici (with detailed bibliography, air photos, maps, etc.)
14 Possibly the apparendy Roman spring or bagno at a place called le Buche in the tenuta of S. Savino mentioned in Campanari, i. 49.
15 As recorded in Giannotti, Francesco, Storia di Tuscania, an unpublished 16th-century history (typescript version in Rome, Biblioteca Hertziana, i. 32AGoogle Scholar).
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17 The pottery included black-glazed, terra sigillata, red polished, coarse and rilled wares; Miss Joanna Morris kindly identified these finds. Further detail in Quilici, 122. The existing bridge across the stream is modern.
18 Quilici, fig. 3 et passim.
19 Cf. Jones, P., ‘L'Italia agraria nell'alto medioevo: problemi di cronologia e di continuità’, in Agricoltura e mondo rurale in Occidente nell'alto medioevo (Spoleto, 1966Google Scholar), and discussione (pp. 225–234).
20 Almost nothing is known of the Clodia's exact route after it left Tuscania: A. Mazzolai, ‘Ricognizione della via Aurelia e Clodia nei tratti compresi fra il fiume Fiora e Populonia’, Società storica maremmana: bollettino, no. 12 (1965), 58–63. Assuming that it was built, it apparently had neither paving nor milestones, and it was probably not a straight road but went out of its way to visit towns or avoid the numerous watercourses and fosse, possibly following earlier Etruscan routes. Wetter, E., ‘Studies and Strolls in Southern Etruria’, in Etruscan Culture, Land and People, ed. Böethius, A. et al. (New York-Malmö, 1962), map 1Google Scholar, follows the Mattei map of 1674 (ibid., plate 20) in showing the Clodia as by-passing Tuscania and passing to the north of it, in which case it would have run near S. Savino (his Castel Broco). Others, including Campanari, i, tav. XI, show it as crossing the Marta outside Tuscania, traversing the town and continuing westwards. In effect, both the old maps and the modern authorities are in complete disagreement, and in the absence of any clearly-identifiable material trace of the road it cannot be said where the Clodia went, though on the basis of a road cutting and some masonry in the Fosso Pian di Vico, Quilici, 21–22, 131–132 (with full bibliography), suggests that it passed southwest of Tuscania and ran roughly westwards. On the Clodia, and on early medieval Tuscania and its churches in general, see Serra, J. Raspi, Tuscania: Cultura ed espressione artistica di un centro medioevale (Milan, [1971]), 6–16Google Scholaret passim.
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23 A map in Turriozzi, F., Memorie istoriche della città Tuscania (Rome, 1778Google Scholar), shows a C. Bronco dirutto roughly on the site of S. Savino, and a S. Savino dir., not described as a castle, further up the Maschio roughly on the site of the present Gasale Savino, S.. Cf. Silvestrelli (1970), ii. 857Google Scholar: ‘nulla si conosce di … Castel Bronco’.
24 Viterbo, Archivio Storico del Comune, Sezione del Comune, perg. 404: partial text in Pinzi, iii. 120/123 n. 6.
25 Text in Theiner, i, 403–407. A document of 1372 defined a campum which lay: in tenimento castri sancti Sabinj in contrata vataccianj in valle vinj, iuxta rem monastery sanctorum johannis et victoris rem hospitalis sancti Spiritus in Saxia de Urbe, rem heredum Corradinj, fossatum vataccianj, viam vicinalem ex parte inferiori, et alios suos confines …: Viterbo, Archivio Storico del Gomune, San Angelo in Spata, perg. 2359. SS. Giovanni e Vittore was the Hospitaller preceptory also known as Gommenda.
26 Cf. Losacco, U., ‘Le cave: arcane strade d'Etruria’, L'Universo, xlix (1969Google Scholar); on excavations around S. Savino, Quilici, 11 n. 10, 123–124.
27 The earliest document is apparently that of 1140 (infra, 99); the church may originally have been of three apses altered, with clumsy stone work and abundant mortar, in more modern times, apparently after 1574 (infra, 112 n. 104).
28 Quilici, 149–152, and Raspi Serra, 17–36, 168–169, both with bibliography; add Bedini, B., ‘S. Giusto di Tuscania’, Viterbium, i, no. 4 (1959Google Scholar).
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32 Text in MGH: Diplomata regnum Germaniae ex stirpe Karolinorum, iii (Berlin, 1940), 211–213Google Scholar.
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34 Texts in Kehr, P., ‘Le bolle pontificie che si conservano negli Archivi Senesi’, Bullettino senese di storia patria, vi (1899), 69–73, 92–96Google Scholar.
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37 Transcript in Montefiascone 184.
38 As suggested by the editor: text in Calisse, G., ‘Documenti del monastero di San Salvatore sul Monte Amiata riguardanti il territorio romano: secoli VIII–XII’, ASR, xvii (1894), 110–112Google Scholar.
39 Text in MGH: Diplomata Regum et Imperatorum, i. 516–517, where it is assigned to Tuscania, though other suggestions include Cerasiolo near Pisa; Raspi Serra, 142 n. 110, accepts the assignation to Tuscania.
40 Campanari, ii. 75–108.
41 This summary was cited by Giannotti, i, 89, as being in the sacristy of S. Maria la Nuova at Tuscania. Turriozzi, 10, cited it as being in Tuscania, Archivio Gattedrale, but it is not there now; Professor W. Hagemann of the Istituto Storico Germanico at Rome, who has searched the whole archive, kindly confirmed this. Campanari, ii, 26, stated that the summary was in the archive of S. Salvatore sul Monte Amiata (now in Siena, Archivio di Stato); Dr. Wilhelm Kurze has worked through that archive without finding this summary. Campanari, ii. 116, also publishes a text of 1142 referring to the medietatem Episcopates (sic) S. Savini (‘Dall'archivio com. di Valentano pubblicato dall'emo. Card. Garampi, e dall'archivio della cattedrale di Toscanella’). An 18th-century transcript of this document, made from a 16th-century copy in Valentano, Archivio Comunale, gives medietatem ep.atus sci. Sauini (Montefiascone 198). Since the archives of Castro were moved to Valentano and the cathedral of Castro was dedicated to S. Savino, this latter reference must have been to the Diocese of Castro, as the document itself suggests.
42 Text in Campanari, ii, 119–121.
43 Text in Registres d'Alexandre IV, i, ed. Bourel de la Roncière, C. et al. (Paris, 1902), 228Google Scholar.
44 Documents calendared by Lisini, A., ‘R. Archivio di Stato di Siena: Inventario del Diplomatico’, Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria, xv (1908), 147, 163–164, 253Google Scholar; xvi (1909), 412; cf. Volpini, G., Storia del Monastero e del Paese di Abbadia S. Salvatore (2nd ed.: s. 1., [1966]), cap. viiGoogle Scholar, et passim, but without references.
45 For preliminary remarks on this pottery, which can be inspected at the British School at Rome, see Whitehouse, D. in Hurst, J. et al. , ‘Red-Painted and Glazed Pottery in Western Europe from the Eighth to the Twelfth Century’, Medieval Archaeology, xiii (1969), 138–141Google Scholar. Minor excavations on the plateau might prove valuable in identifying the pottery, possibly as a ‘Viterbo’ ware which differed from that of Orvieto; the fact that the site was abandoned after 1322 would provide a terminal date for the pottery.
46 Colonna, E. and Colonna, G., Castel d'Asso, 2 vols. (Rome, 1970), i, 37–38, 60–63Google Scholar; ii, tav. xxiv–xxxix et passim.
47 Text in Migne, ccxv. 1236–1242.
48 Florence 132, sezione 202 (1602 and 1625); Rome, , cabreo 154 (1831Google Scholar).
49 Ghetti, B. Apollonj, Architettura della Tuscia (Vatican, 1960Google Scholar); Stiesdal, H., ‘Three Deserted Villages in the Roman Campagna’, Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, ii (1962Google Scholar); Lawrence, A., ‘Early Medieval Fortifications near Rome’, PBSR, xxxii (1964Google Scholar); Hallert, B.—Thordeman, B., ‘San Giovenale’, Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sueciae, xxvi part 1, fasc. 2–3; part 4, fasc. 4–5 (1967Google Scholar); Torselli, G., Castetli e ville del Lazio (Rome, 1968Google Scholar); de Rossi, G., Torri e castelli medievali delta Campagna Romana (Rome, 1969Google Scholar); D'Onofrio, C.—Pietrangeli, C., Abbazie del Lazio (Rome, 1969)Google Scholar; Freddi, R., Edifici rurali nella pianura romana (Rome, 1970Google Scholar). See also Fusco, G., ‘Contributo allo studio di Tuscania’, Università degli studi di Genova: Facoltà di Architettura-Istituto di Progettazione architettonica: quaderno, vii (1971Google Scholar).
50 Klapisch-Zuber, C. and Day, J., ‘Villages désertés en Italie: esquisse’, in Villages désertés et histoire économique: XI–XVIII siècle (Paris, 1965Google Scholar); neither site appears on the map at p. 426. Also Mallett, M. and Whitehouse, D., ‘Castel Porciano: an Abandoned Medieval Village of the Roman Campagna’, PBSR, xxxv (1967Google Scholar); cf. Archeologie du village déserté, 2 vols. ed. École Pratique des Hautes Études et Académie Polonaise des Sciences (Paris, 1970Google Scholar), and Deserted Medieval Villages: Studies, ed. Beresford, M.-Hurst, J. (London, 1971Google Scholar).
51 The most recent general works are Melville, M., La vie des Templiers (Paris, 1951Google Scholar), and Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus: c. 1050–1310 (London, 1967CrossRefGoogle Scholar); there is no satisfactory general work on either Order in Italy.
52 For an outline, with bibliography, see Luttrell, A., ‘The Hospitallers' Hospice of Santa Caterina at Venice: 1358–1451’, Studi Veneziani, xii (1970Google Scholar).
53 To Silvestrelli (1917), add: on the Hospital, Montini, R., S. Maria del Priorato (Rome, 1959Google Scholar), with references therein; on the Temple, Schottmüller, ii, 403–419; on the Teutonic Order, Forstreuter, K., Der Deutsche Orden am Mittelmeer (Bonn, 1967), 157–187Google Scholar, plates 14–15. The present author is preparing a detailed study of the Hospitallers' possessions in the Viterbo-Tuscania area.
54 Bulst-Thiele, M., ‘Templer in königlichen und päpstlichen Diensten’, Festschrift Percy Ernst Schramm, i (Wiesbaden, 1964), 301–305Google Scholar.
55 Details in Jordan, E., Les origines de la domination angevine en Italie (Paris, 1909), 320–323Google Scholar; Waley, D., The Papal State in the Thirteenth Century (London, 1961), 165–170Google Scholar.
56 References in Jordan, 325.
57 Serafini, A., Musignano e la Rocca al Ponte della Badia (Rome, 1920), 55–57, 63–64Google Scholar.
58 Archivio Vaticano, Instrumenta Miscellanea, 5540.
59 The appearance there of a Hospitaller is normally overlooked; e.g. in Smart, A., The Assisi Problem and the Art of Giotto (Oxford, 1971), 220–222Google Scholar and plate 88.
60 Schmidinger, H., ‘Ein vergessener Bericht über das Attentat von Anagni’, Mélanges Eugène Tisserant, v (Vatican, 1964), 387Google Scholar.
61 A document of 5 May 1263 from Tuscania, olim perg. 55 B (text in Carapanari, ii. 167–169), stated that the castle of Pianzano should be subjected to Tuscania in the same way as the castrum sanctj Sauinj and other castles. Silvestrelli (1970), ii. 862, produces no evidence for his assumption that the Templars acquired the church ca. 1200 and then themselves built the castle.
63 Fabre, P., ‘Un registre caméral du Cardinal Albornoz en 1364’, Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, vii (1887), 182Google Scholar.
64 Archivio Vaticano, Archivum Arcis, Arm. D.207 (parchments viii, xliv–xlvi).
65 Tuscania, olim perg. 129 D. Another will of 1322 (Tuscania, Archivio Cattedrale) disposed of a piece of land in valle S. Savini (as cited in Turriozzi, 17).
66 In addition to Schottmüller, see Bini, T., ‘Dei tempieri e del loro processo in Toscana’, Atti della Reale Accademia Lucchese, xiii (1845Google Scholar); cf. Salvemini, G., ‘L'abolizione dell'Ordine dei Templari’, Archivio storico italiano, 5th s., xv (1895Google Scholar) [reprinted in his Studi Storici (Florence, 1901)]; Caravita, R., Rinaldo da Concorrezzo, Arcivescovo di Ravenna (1303–1321) … (Florence, 1964), part 2Google Scholar: ‘Rinaldo da Concorrezzo ed i Templari’.
66 Delaville le Roulx, J., Les Hospitaliers à Rhodes jusqu'à la mort de Philibert de Naillac: 1310–1421 (Paris, 1913Google Scholar); this work however gives only limited information about the Priory of Rome.
67 Infra, 107–108.
68 On Capocci, Pinzi, iii. 118–119.
69 Viterbo, Sezione del Comune, perg. 404: text, with significant omissions and deficiencies, in Pinzi, iii. 120/2 n. 6, describing the attack. See also Cronaca di Luca di Domenico Manenti: ‘… de novembre, il capitano Torello presi il castello de Santo Savino contra signor de Farnesi (sic), dovi Orvetani et Vitorbesi con l'autorità del capitano del Patrimonio pigliaro la briga contra il capitano Torello gibbellino’ (ed. Fumi, L. in RIS, xv-part 5, vol. i, 361–362Google Scholar); the editor overlooked the error of Farnesi for Orsini, and the whole passage is clearly confused.
70 Orvieto, Archivio di Stato, Riformagioni, 86, f. 1–3 (1 Feb. 1318): cited, with further detail, in Fumi, 362 n. 2.
71 Documents at Viterbo, Sezione del Comune, perg. 400; Margarita, iii, f. 64: partial texts and summaries in Savignoni, P., ‘L'Archivio storico del comune di Viterbo’, ASR, xix (1896), 246–248Google Scholar.
72 Viterbo, Sezione del Comune, Margarita, iii, f. 64.
73 Viterbo, Sezione del Comune, perg. 404 (text, with omissions, in Pinzi, iii. 120/2 n. 6: cf. supra, n. 65). Pinzi, iii. 120, supposes, wrongly, that the castle was returned.
74 Luca di Domenico Manenti, 369–370; see also text in Theiner, i. 499.
75 Luca di Domenico Manenti, 361–375. Analysis and background in Waley, D., Mediaeval Orvieto (Cambridge, 1952), 99–111Google Scholar; see also Lanzi, G., Memorie storiche sulla regione castrense (Rome, [1938Google Scholar]).
76 Bulls of 1 Apr. 1321 (Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Vat. 71, f. 53v = Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Aven. 14, f. 503v–504: text infra, 121); 12 July 1321 (Reg. Vat. 72, f. 300 v: text infra, 121); 4 Sep. 1321 (Reg. Vat. 72, f. 253). On 1 Apr. the pope also wrote to the comune of Viterbo (Reg. Vat. Aven. 14, f. 505). Most of these bulls are cited, in somewhat garbled form, in Antonelli, M., ‘Vicende della dominazione pontificia nel Patrimonio di S. Pietro in Tuscia’, ASR, xxv (1902), 387Google Scholar.
77 Orvieto, Riformagioni, 89 Lib. 2, f. 1v–3 (2 Nov. 1321); cf. Fumi, 369/370 n. 1.
78 Luca di Domenico Manenti, 375, giving January 1322; Reg. Vat. 111, f. 128–128v, 129, confirm that Gatto was exiled before February. Quilici, 13 n. 1, wrongly supposes this to have been the castle of S. Sauino shown on a 15th-century map as lying between Chiusi and Acquapendente: Almagià, R., Documenti cartografici dello Stato Pontificio (Vatican, 1960), 8Google Scholar, and tav. II. Note that the Hospital's Preceptory of Monte San Savino lay between Arezzo and Siena (Cartulaire, iv, doc. 4850).
79 On Gatto's career, Pinzi, iii. 129–167 et passim.
80 Texts of 1323 in Antonelli, , in ASR, xxvii (1904), 334–335Google Scholar.
81 Archivio Vaticano, Instrumenta Miscellanea, 1630, 1632, 1634, 1636.
82 Most of the pottery is datable to before 1322.
83 Viterbo, S. Angelo in Spata, perg. 2359; the fines are given supra, n. 25.
84 Allibrato della Diocesi di Viterbo e Tuscania, cited in Signorelli, i, 390 n. 16, who does not state that it was mentioned as belonging to the Hospital. This Allibrato of 1344 was said by Signorelli in 1907 (and by Silvestrelli [1917], 504 n. 2, whose knowledge of the Allibrato was communicate d to him by Signorelli) to be in the archive of the Canonica di S. Angelo in Spata at Viterbo. The parroco of S. Angelo knows nothing of it, and there is apparently no trace in the Mss. indices in Viterbo, Archivio Storico del Comune, of it having passed to that archive with other documents of S. Angelo in about 1870.
85 Cf. Signorelli, i, 390. Citing the 1344 Allibrato, he mentions the Hospitaller churches at Tuscania of S. Leonardo and S. Maria della Sugaretta (ibid., i. 390 n. 17). There was a Leonardo, S., apparently not then a Hospitaller church, at Tuscania in 1278: Rationes Decimarum Italiae nei secoli XIII e XIV: Latium, ed. Battelli, G. (Vatican, 1946), 284Google Scholar. Sughereto is now the name of a spot some 2 km. south-east of Tuscania.
86 Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. latin 5155, f. 46–52; Tuscania section printed infra, 122, with note on monies.
87 Papal bull once at Malta but now lost: text in Paoli, S., Codice Diplomatico del Sacro Militare Ordine Gerosolimitano…, ii (Lucca, 1737), 104–107Google Scholar. On theschismin the Hospital, in addition to Delaville (1913), see Luttrell, A., ‘Intrigue, Schism, and Violence among the Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1377–1384’, Speculum, xli (1966Google Scholar).
88 Malta, cod. 345; f. 226v–227 (15 Dec. 1420); cod. 348, f. 132v, 135 (27 May, 2 June 1428); cod. 351, f. 116v (7 July 1434: text infra, 123).
89 Royal Malta Library, Ms. Biblioteca 728, f. [3v].
90 Montefiascone 111 (rubric only).
91 Malta, cod. 362, f. 92–92v. Leonardo, S., not mentioned in Raspi Serra, may have been the ruined Romanesque-Gothic church described in Guida d'Italia del Touring Club Italiano: Lazio (3rd ed: Milan, 1964), 138–139Google Scholar. It was demolished in 1938: Pierdomenico, 61 n.l, 65, with photo; cf. supra, n. 85.
92 Fumi, 235 n. 5.
93 Text in Ughelli, F., Italia Sacra, i (2nd ed.: Venice, 1717), 975–979Google Scholar.
94 Notes in Montefiascone 171 (ad an. 1372, 1402, 1412).
95 Text of bull from Tuscania in Campanari, ii. 236–241.
96 Notes in Montefiascone 111 (ad an. 1426: rubric only), 171 (ad an. 1372, 1424, 1429), 184 (ad an. 1422).
97 Reg. Vat. 375, f. 123–124.
98 Text, from Montefiascone, Archivio Cattedrale, in Buti, P., Storia di Montefiascone (Montefiascone. 1870), 187 n. 2Google Scholar.
99 Text in Calisse, C., Storia di Civitavecchia (Florence, 1936), 750–751Google Scholar.
100 Tuscania, Consigli, i (1449 a 1455), f. 132.
101 Notes in Montefiascone 171 (ad an. 1431, 1444, 1453, 1455, 1486).
102 Anzilotti, A., ‘Cenni sulle Finanze del Patrimonio di S. Pietro in Tuscia nell secolo XV’, ASR, xlii (1919), 369–370, 372Google Scholar n. 1, using documents of the dogana in Rome, Archivio di Stato, which presumably contain further information on S. Savino; on the dogana, see also Cerasa, and Partner, 108, 118–122.
103 According to Annibali, F., Notizie storiche della casa Farnese, 2 parts (Montefiascone, 1817–1818), ii. 97Google Scholar
104 Details in Signorelli, ii, part 2, 406–407; Archivio Vaticano, Visitatio Apostolica Tuscanellae (1573/4), f. 18v–19 (on S. Savino) et passim. The 1574 text gives S. Savino as extra etprope muros and states quod diruta erat solummodo pars Ecclesiae ubi tres Tribuna erecta manit; but there is no sign now that there were three apses.
105 Cited in Gerasa, i, 12–13.
106 Almagià, tav. lxvii.
107 Supra, 95.
108 Text in Sercia, G.—Montani, F. Cancani, Il Castello di Montalto di Castro: La Tenuta delta ‘Pescia Romana' e la Dogana dei pascoli del Patrimonio (Rome, 1926), 80–90Google Scholar.
109 These and further details in Cerasa, i. 4–6, 19, 366, using the catasto rustico and other documents in Tuscania, Archivio Comunale.
110 Annibali, i. 21, n. 2; ii, 97.
111 Details in Cerasa, i, 366–369; S. Savino is still (1971) cultivated by a farmer from Marta.
112 For documented information on Marta and Lake Bolsena, in addition to Serafini, see Dottarelli, C., Storia di Bolsena (Orvieto, 1928Google Scholar).
113 Text in Bini, 441. Aradiris is not to be identified elsewhere, but its identification with Araldo remains a presumption. Bencivenni was a cubicularius of Innocent IV (Bulst-Thiele, 302). Serafini, 62, without evidence, repeats the story that Castell'Araldo was attacked by Frederick Barbarossa.
114 Text in Fabre, 182. A treaty was drawn up in 1301 in canpis apud Castrum Araldi in piano Cipollecte: text calendared by Savignoni, , in ASR, xix (1896), 225Google Scholar.
115 Archivio Vaticano, Archivum Arcis, Arm. D. 207 (parchments viii, xli, xliv, liv).
116 Text in Antonelli, M., ‘Una relazione del vicario del Patrimonio a Giovanni XXII in Avignone’, ASR, xviii (1895), 454, 458, 461Google Scholaret passim. The alleged references to Castell'Araldo as being in the hands of the Vico family given by Antonelli, , in ASR, xxvi (1903), 278Google Scholar, from Reg. Vat. 124, f. 23 (no. xl), and Archivio Vaticano, Introitus et Exitus, 118, f.23 v, actually refer to castrum lardi or Castellardo, i.e. Castellardo near Canino: cf. Silvestrelli (1970), ii, 826.
117 Silvestrelli (1970), ii, 776; Antonelli, , in ASR, xxvi (1903), 328–332Google Scholaret passim.
118 Malta, cod. 280, f. 2.
119 Biblioteca Vaticana, Cod. Vat. Lat. 10,372 (cf. supra, n. 10).
120 Text in Theiner, ii, 372.
121 Antonelli, in ASR, xxvii (1904), 113, 115Google Scholar n. 2.
122 La vita di Cola di Rienzo, ed. Ghisalberti, A. (Florence, 1928), 105Google Scholar.
123 Text in Ughelli, i, 975–979; but note that a papal bull of 1404 (text infra, 122–23) described Castell' Araldo as nullius diocesis.
124 Cronaca del Conte Francesco di Montemarte, ed. Fumi, L., in RIS, xv, part 5, vol. i, 265Google Scholar; cf. Esch, A., Bonifaz IX und der Kirchenstaat (Tübingen, 1969), 201, 643Google Scholaret passim.
125 Cronaca volgare di anonimo fiorentino, ed. Bellondi, E., in RIS, xxvii, part 2, 359–360Google Scholar.
126 Archivio Vaticano, Reg. Lat. 116, f. 94–94v (text infra, 122–23).
127 In addition to Partner, see Guiraud, J., L'état pontifical après le grand schisme: étude de géographie politique (Paris, 1896Google Scholar).
128 Act of 23 Nov. 1412: Actum in vinea dd. Barth. et Beccarini pos. in tenta. castri Araldi iuxta d. castrum [presen] tibus nob. vi. Roberto Francisci de Bisentio et Ant. [Capinicata?] habitatori d. castri (note in Montefiascone 171, ad an. 1412).
129 Details from bull of 12 Apr. 1444 (Reg. Vat. 376, f. 84–85v: text infra, 123–24).
130 Cronache di Viterbo e di altre città scritte da Niccola della Tuccia, in Cronache e statuti della città di Viterbo, ed. Ciampi, I. (Florence, 1872), 113Google Scholar.
131 Partner, 29, 39–40, 45 n. 3, 56–59, 71, 74; further detail and bibliography in A. Strnad, ‘Broglio, Angelo’, in Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, [forthcoming].
132 Texts in Theiner, iii, 245–249, 274.
133 Niccola della Tuccia, 116.
134 Text, from Tuscania, in Campanari, ii, 236–241.
135 Partner, 86.
136 Note in Montefiascone 171 (ad an. 1429), but the note gives the indiction as ‘2’ (i.e. 1424) rather than ‘7’ (1429).
137 Reg. Vat. 353, f. 256v. The chronology is uncertain; this text and one of 1434 (infra, 123) stated that Orsini was granted Castell'Araldo by Naillac, who died in 1421, and a text of 1444 (infra, 123–24) stated that he had held the castle for 20 years.
138 Text of 2 Sep. 1454, in the Archivio Orsini, calendared in de Cupis, C., ‘Regesto degli Orsini e dei Conti Anguillara’, Bullettino della R. Deputazione abruzzese di Storia Patria, 3 ser., iv (1913), 262Google Scholar.
139 Guiraud, 113–128; cf. Litta, P., Famiglie celebri d'Italia, v (Milan, 1819Google Scholar), Orsini di Roma, tav. XXII (both partly erroneous). The Hospitaller Fr. Niccold Orsini, Prior of Venice and interim Lieutenant ‘anti-Master’ after 1405 (Delaville [1913], 262), was apparently not a close kinsman.
140 Malta, cod. 351, f. 116v (15 June 1434).
141 Malta, cod. 355, f. 244 (7 Sep. 1442).
142 Malta, cod. 351, f. 116v (text infra, 123).
143 Niccola della Tuccia, 118, 136, 149; Guiraud, 133–134.
144 Royal Malta Library, Biblioteca, Ms. 728, f. [5]: the preceptory est grauata expensis multis propter custodiam castri quod est situatum in loco in quo est s[emper] et continue est confluentia gentium armorum et detentum temporibus retroactis tyrannice per seculares …
145 Malta, cod. 351, f. 116v (text infra, 123).
146 Reg. Vat. 376, f. 84v–85 (text infra, 123–24).
147 Supra, 110. Visconti, Preceptor of Castell'Araldo, was licensed to leave Rhodes on 29 Nov. 1454; he was still preceptor in 1462 (Malta, cod. 368, f. 91; cod. 372, f. 114).
148 According to Niccola della Tuccia, 259, Castell'Araldo was sacked and ruined by the men of Canino in Sep. 1459. da Roma, Casimiro, Memorie storiche delle Chiese e Conventi dei Frati Minori della Provincia Romana (Rome, 1744), 387Google Scholar n. 1 (without source), states that Pope Pius II quashed the sentence against the men of Canino for their attack, but the document (Reg. Vat. 278, f. 52v–53), dated 14 Nov. 1460, refers to Castellardo (Castrumlardi); cf. Lanzi, 162–163, with further detail. It seems possible that della Tuccia made the same error.
149 Malta, cod. 358, f. 215–215v.
150 Florence 132, sezione 202, olim nos. 4 (1602), 14 (1625).
151 Notes in Montefiascone 198 (ad an.).
152 Puletti, O., Viterbo e il suo territorio nelle ‘Lettere Familiari’ del Cavaliere di Malta Annibal Caro (Viterbo, 1964Google Scholar).
153 Delumeau, J., Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du XVI siècle, ii (Paris, 1959), 577–578Google Scholar.
154 ibid., ii, 536, 586–587, 591.
155 Volume of Memorie diverse (c. 1510–1530) in Marta, Archivio Comunale.
158 Text of 1568 in 1625 cabreo: Florence 132, sezione 202, olim no. 14.
157 Two magistral bulls in Rome, Raccoglitore Z.I. 33; cf. supra, 111.
158 Text in di Corneliano, E. Nasalli Rocca, ‘Le commende italiane dell'Ordine di Malta alla fine del sec. xvi’, Archivio Storico di Malta, xi (1940), 210, 219Google Scholar.
159 Florence 132, sezione 202, olim nos. 4 (1602), 14 (1625); supra, Fig. 4.
160 Extensive legal papers in Montefiascone 186; Malta, cod. 5585; Rome, Raccoglitore Z. I. 33A.
161 Text of 1783 in Florence 132, sezione 204.
162 Text in di San Giorgio, M. Barbaro, Storia della costituzione del Sovrano Militare Ordine di Malta (Rome, 1927), 245–246Google Scholar.
163 Florence 132, sezione 94, vol. III, f. 546.
164 Document in Rome, Raccoglitore Z.I. 33A.
165 Malta, cod. 5923.
166 Florence 132, sezione 202: 1760 cabreo, f. 1, 3v, 39v–40, 46–48.
167 Malta, cod. 5923.
168 Florence 132, sezione 94, vol. III, f. 545–549.
169 Florence 132, sezione 204.
170 Malta, cod. 5641 (Senglea cabreo).
171 Malta, cod. 5924 (1764), 5923 (1775 miglioramento).
172 Rome, cabreo 154.
173 These and further details on Castell'Araldo's recent history in Rome, Raccoglitore Z.I. 33.
174 Well documented in Feddi, E., L'Abbazia di S. Maria dell'Alberese presso Grosseto (Naples, 1942Google Scholar).
175 With a few exceptions, no attempt has been made to correct grammatical and scribal errors.
176 Libre denarii paparini: papal coin. 58 solidi paparini were worth one gold florin of Florence in 1370: Schäfer, K., Die Ausgaben der apostolischen Kammer unter Johann XXII. (Paderborn, 1911), 905Google Scholar. The figures were the result of a survey rather than a real annual account, and is not obvious how they actually balanced.
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