Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 1968
It has been said that by naming him Hector, Berlioz's father determined his fate, marked him out for glory and tragedy, heroic deeds and the bitterness of failure and mutilation. A fanciful idea, no doubt; but the more one considers Berlioz's life, the more it seems almost mystically inevitable that his crowning work should be an epic on the Trojan war and its aftermath, the wanderings of Aeneas and the myth of the founding of Rome, and the more one comes to see his discovery of Virgil during adolescence and his precocious response to the passion and tenderness of the Aeneid as the most important single event of his imaginative existence. As Gounod justly remarks, Berlioz, like his great namesake Hector, died beneath the walls of Troy; for the final blow in a lifetime of vain struggles against a hostile musical environment was its rejection of the very work which he knew to be his culminating achievement and artistic justification. When we read the letters written during the two years of its composition we cannot help sensing something special about them. In their mood of exhilaration and their sense of destiny fulfilled they recall the passage at the end of The Gathering Storm where Churchill describes his feelings on taking power in May 1940: ‘I felt … that all my past life had been but a preparation for this hour and for this trial’.
1 The Memoirs of Hector Berlioz, tr. & ed. David Cairns, London, 1969, p. 468 and n. 8.Google Scholar
2 Cf. Les soirées de l'orchestre, Paris, 1852, pp. 114 and 341, and Correspondance inédite de Hector Berlioz, Paris, 1879, p. 215.Google Scholar
3 See letter of 28 February 1855 to Fiorentino, La revue blanche, ii (1912), 424.Google Scholar
4 Briefe von Hector Berlioz an die Fürstin Carolyne Sayn-Wittgenstein, ed. La Mara, Leipzig, 1903, pp. 95–97.Google Scholar
5 Aeneid, iv. 579–83; quoted in Berlioz, Voyage musical en Allemagne et en Italie, Paris, 1844, ii. 183, and in Memoirs, p. 171.Google Scholar
6 Memoirs, p. 35.Google Scholar
7 Ibid., p. 515.Google Scholar
8 Ibid., p. 201.Google Scholar
9 Aeneid, i. 630; a misquotation for non ignara …Google Scholar
10 Girard, H., Emile Deschamps Dilettante, Paris, 1921, pp. 89–90.Google Scholar
11 Berlioz, Lettres intimes, Paris, 1882, p. 248.Google Scholar
12 Aeneid, ii. 453–7.Google Scholar
13 Ibid., iii. 301–5.Google Scholar
14 Ibid., xii. 435–40.Google Scholar
15 Ibid., iv. 35–36 and 196ff.Google Scholar
16 Aeneid, i. 530–34.Google Scholar
17 Ibid., ii. 270–71.Google Scholar
18 Memoirs, pp. 35 and 173.Google Scholar
19 Aeneid, iv. 151ff.Google Scholar
20 Ibid, iv. 219–705.Google Scholar
21 Ibid., iv. 653 and 655 respectively.Google Scholar
22 See La Troyens, ed. Hugh Macdonald (New Berlioz Edition, ii), Cassel & c., 1969, vol. 2c, Appendix IIIa.Google Scholar
23 In the Aeneid (ii. 315) Aeneas merely conceives the wild idea of doing so (if indeed we are to read ‘arcem’ as meaning the citadel and not ‘a strong point’).Google Scholar
24 Virgil says only that the relics ‘had been rescued from the ruins of Troy’ (i. 647).Google Scholar
25 Aeneid, ii. 343.Google Scholar
26 Ibid., iii. 182–5.Google Scholar
27 Ibid., ii. 241–2.Google Scholar
28 E.g. in the New Berlioz Edition, vol. 2a, p. 24, bars 170–73, and pp. 42–43, bars 78–81.Google Scholar
29 Lettres intimes, p. 212.Google Scholar
30 Aeneid, ii. 290.Google Scholar
31 Ibid., ii. 301.Google Scholar
32 Ibid., ii. 766–7.Google Scholar
33 Ibid., i. 740–46.Google Scholar
34 Ibid., iv. 705.Google Scholar