Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-jn8rn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T11:57:33.129Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Gender and Religion in American Culture, 1870-1930

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 June 2018

Extract

Since the early 1980's, advances in the study of gender in American history have come primarily through an unmasking of the assumptions of earlier studies. Some have questioned the explanatory power of the field's dominant interpretive paradigm, that of “women's sphere,” because this theoretical lens has often led historians to mistake what was said by and about women for their actual historical experience. Others have laid bare the earlier scholarship's assumption of universal gender definitions that do not take into account differences in women's roles based on race, class, or region. Additionally, several historians have begun to explore the influence of gender relations on the lives of men. As a result, we are beginning to get a picture of gender in American history that goes beyond the “women's sphere” experience of white, middle-class, northeastern women.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Center for the Study of Religion and American Culture 1995

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

* This article was written with the support of the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Center for the Study of American Religion at Princeton University, and the Center of Theological Inquiry at Princeton Theological Seminary.

1. See Cott, Nancy F., “On Men's History and Women's History,” in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America, ed. Carnes, Mark C. and Griffen, Clyde (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 205-12Google Scholar; and Kerber, Linda K., “Separate Spheres, Female Worlds, Woman's Place: The Rhetoric of Women's History,” Journal of American History 75 (June 1988): 939.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Working from the perspective of post-structuralism, Louise Newman has questioned even the possibility of recovering the historical experience of women and men. Instead, she advocates a history of gender focused on whatever gives meaning to sexual difference in historical texts. See Newman, Louise, “Critical Theory and the History of Women: What's at Stake in Deconstructing Women's History,” Journal of Women's History 2, no. 3 (Winter 1991): 5868.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Historical scholarship on gender and race is only recently underway. We know some things about African American women but very little about African American men. For scholarship on nineteenth-century African American women, see: Carby, Hazel V., Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the Afro-American Woman Novelist (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Davis, Angela, Women, Race and Class (New York: Random House, 1981)Google Scholar; Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks, “African-American Women's History and the Metalanguage of Race,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 17, no. 2 (1992): 251-74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hine, Darlene ClarkLifting the Veil, Shattering the Silence: Black Women's History in Slavery and Freedom,” in The State of Afro-American History: Past, Present, and Future, ed. Hine, Darlene Clark (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986), 224-49Google Scholar; Jones, Jacqueline, Labor of Love, Labor of Sorrow: Black Women, Work, and the Family from Slavery to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1985)Google Scholar; Loewenberg, Bert James and Bogin, Ruth, eds., Black Women in Nineteenth-Century American Life: Their Words, Their Thoughts, Their Feelings (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976)Google Scholar; Samuels, Shirley, ed., The Culture ofSentiment: Race, Gender, and Sentimentality in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and White, Deborah Gray, “Female Slaves: Sex Roles and Status in the Antebellum Plantation South,” in Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History, ed. CarolDuBois, Ellen and Ruiz, Vicki L. (New York: Routledge, 1990), 2233.Google Scholar On African American men, see Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn, “Black Male Perspectives on the Nineteenth-Century Woman,” in Afro-American Woman: Struggles and Images, ed. Harely, Sharon and Terborg-Penn, Rosalyn (Port Washington, N.Y.: National University Publications, 1978), 2842 Google Scholar; Walker, S. Jay, “Frederick Douglass and Woman Suffrage,” The Black Scholar 4 (March-April 1973): 2431 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Horton, James Oliver, “Freedom's Yoke: Gender Conventions Among Antebellum Free Blacks,” Feminist Studies 12, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 5176.CrossRefGoogle Scholar I am aware that the category of race also includes Asians, Mexican Americans, Native Americans, and other groups. Most of this emerging literature focuses on a later time period.

3. For a good Statement of the problem of class in American women's history, see Nancy Hewitt, “Beyond the Search for Sisterhood: American Women's History in the 1980's,” in Unequal Sisters, ed. DuBois and Ruiz, 1-14. See also Ginzberg, Lori D., Women and the Work of Benevolence: Morality, Politics, and Class in the Nineteenth-Century United States (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Ruth M. Alexander, “ ‘We are Engaged as a Band of Sisters': Class and Domesticity in the Washingtonian Temperance Movement, 1840-1850,” Journal of Social History 22, no. 4 (December 1988): 763-85; Cantor, Milton and Laurie, Bruce, eds., Class, Sex, and the Woman Worker (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977)Google Scholar; DuBois, and Ruiz, , eds., Unequal Sisters; Hewitt, Nancy A., Women's Activism and Social Change: Rochester, New York, 1822-1872 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Newton, Judith L., Ryan, Mary P., and Walkowitz, Judith R., eds., Sex and Class in Women's History (Boston: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983)Google Scholar; Stansell, Christine, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York: Knopf, 1986)Google Scholar; Turbin, Carole, Working Women of Collar City: Gender, Class, and Community in Troy, New York, 1864-1886 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, “Beauty, the Beast, and the Militant Woman: A Case Study in Sex Roles and Social Stress in Jacksonian American,” American Quarterly 23 (October 1971): 562-84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

4. The South has come into view through several studies of women of both races and Ted Ownby's analysis of the world of white men. See White, Deborah Gray, Ar'n't I a Woman? Female Slaves in the Plantation South (New York: Norton, 1985)Google Scholar; Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth, Within the Plantation Household: Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988)Google Scholar; and Ownby, Ted, Subduing Satan: Religion, Recreation, and Manhood in the Rural South, 1865-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990).Google Scholar Other regions, particularly the West, are beginning to be marked by gender. Here see Jameson, Elizabeth, “Toward a Multicultural History of Women in the Western United States,” Signs 13, no. 4 (1988): 761-91CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Maffly-Kipp, Laurie F., Religion and Society in Frontier California (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; and Myers, Sandra L., Westering Women and the Frontier Experience, 1800-1915 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982).Google Scholar

5. See Gilmore, David D., Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Carnes, Mark C. and Griffen, Clyde, eds., Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Griswold, Robert L., Fatherhood in America: A History (New York: Basic Books, 1993)Google Scholar; Kimmel, Michael S. and Mosmiller, Thomas E., eds., Against the Tide: Pro-Feminist Men in the United States, 1776-1990: A Documentary History (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Kimmel, Michael S., Manhood: The American Quest (New York: HarperCollins, 1993)Google Scholar; Murphy, Peter F., The Fiction of Masculinity: Literary Constructions of Manhood (New York: New York University Press, 1993)Google Scholar; and Rotundo, E. Anthony, American Manhood: Transformation in Mascu¬linity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993).Google Scholar

6. See Harry Stout and Robert Taylor, “Studies of Religion in American Society: The State of the Art,” working paper no. 201, Program on Non-Profit Organizations, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., 1994.

7. The problem of how to convey the story of American religious history through multiple narratives is currently being explored by Thomas A. Tweed and colleagues. For a progress report on their project, see Tweed, Thomas A., “Narrating American Religious History: A Progress Report on a Collaborative Project,” Religious Studies News 9, no. 3 (September 1994): 12, 32.Google Scholar

8. See, for example, Loetscher, Lefferts, The Broadening Church: A Study of Theological Issues in the Presbyterian Church Since 1869 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1954).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. Frank, Douglas, Less than Conquerors: How Evangelicals Entered the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986)Google Scholar; Marsden, George M., Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth Century Evangelicalism, 1870-1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980)Google Scholar; Noll, Mark A., Between Faith and Criticism: Evangelicals, Scholarship, and the Bible in America (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1986)Google Scholar; and Noll, Mark A., Hatch, Nathan O., and Marsden, George M., eds., The Search for Christian America (Westchester, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1983).Google Scholar

10. See Finke, Roger and Starke, Rodney, The Churching of America, 1776-1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 114.Google Scholar For more on this problem of diversity and the lack of adequate interpretations, see Zuckerman, Michael, “Holy Wars, Civil Wars: Religion and Economics in Nineteenth Century America,” in Prospects: An Annual of American Cultural Studies, vol. 16 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 205-40.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. Scott, Joan, “Gender: A Useful Category of Analysis,” American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1053-75.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Fox-Genovese, Elizabeth as quoted in Taves, Ann, “Women and Gender in American Religion(s),” Religious Studies Review 18, no. 4 (October 1992): 263.Google Scholar

13. Until recently, theorizations of gender have been uncritically founded on a role theory that posits a “traditional” male or female sex role and compares these to emerging “modern” gender roles. For example, see Pleck, Joseph H., The Myth of Masculinity (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981).Google Scholar In contrast, much of the new work tends to view masculinity and femininity not as fixed “roles” that individuals “have” but, rather, as changing relational constructs. These are not wholly biologically nor divinely determined but fashioned from notions of womanhood and manhood available in different historical periods, shaped by biology, race, economic circumstances, religion, and other factors. Moreover, masculinity and femininity continually recreate themselves in an arena of unequal but shifting power relations. See especially Messner, Michael, “ ‘Changing Men’ and Feminist Politics in the U.S.,” Theory and Society 22, no. 5 (1993): 723-37CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stacey, J. and Thorne, Barrie, “The Missing Feminist Revolution in Sociology,” Social Problems 32, no. 4 (April 1985): 301-16CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Carrigan, Tim, Connell, Bob, and Lee, John, “Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity,” Theory and Society 14, no. 5 (1985): 551604 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Connell, R. W., Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1987)Google Scholar; Hearn, Jeff and Morgan, David, eds., Men, Masculinities and Social Theory (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990)Google Scholar; and Segal, Lynne, Slow Motion: Changing Masculinities, Changing Men (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990).Google Scholar

14. The focus of this essay is primarily upon Protestant and Catholic Christianity, though attention is also given to the religious life of fraternal Orders. These are the areas where most of the new work on gender and religion is taking place. Some work, however, is also underway in Mormon and Jewish studies. For a collection of essays on women and the Mormon people, see Beecher, Maureen Ursenbach and Anderson, Lavina Fielding, eds., Sisters in Spirit: Mormon Women in Historical and Cultural Perspective (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987).Google Scholar For women and American Judaism, see especially Karla Goldman, “Beyond the Gallery: The Place of Women in the Development of American Judaism” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1993). See also Umansky, Ellen M., “Spiritual Expressions: Jewish Women's Religious Lives in the Twentieth-Century United States,” in Jewish Women in Historical Perspective, ed. Baskin, Judith R. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1991), 265-88Google Scholar; and Braude, Ann, “The Jewish Woman's Encounter with American Culture,” in Women and Religion in America, Volume I: The Nineteenth Century, ed. Ruether, Rosemary Radford and Keller, Rosemary Skinner (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1981), 150-58.Google Scholar Essays on men and Judaism can be found in Brod, Harry, ed., A Mensch Among Men: Explorations in Jewish Masculinity (Freedom, Calif.: Crossing Press, 1988).Google Scholar For an insightful discussion of the cultural frameworks within which knowledge about gender and Judaism is produced and distributed, see the forthcoming issue of Shofar (Spring 1996), edited by Miriam Peskowitz and Laura Levitt, entitled “Feminist Critical Study and Judaism.”

15. Welter, Barbara, “The Cult of True Womanhood, 1820-1860,” American Quarterly 18, no. 2 (1966): 151-74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, Religion and the Rise of the American City: The New York City Mission Movement, 1812-1870 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1971)Google Scholar; Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Knopf, 1985)Google Scholar; Sklar, Kathryn Kish, Catharine Beecher: A Study in American Domesticity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Cott, Nancy F., The Bonds of Womanhood: “Woman's Sphere” in New England, 1780-1835 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977)Google Scholar; Ryan, Mary P., Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York 1790-1865 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981).Google Scholar

16. The following summary sentences follow Taves, Ann, “Women and Gender in American Religion(s),” Religious Studies Review 18, no. 4 (October 1992): 263.Google Scholar

17. See, for example, Epstein, Barbara Leslie, The Politics of Domesticity: Women, Evangelism, and Temperance in Nineteenth-Century America (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Bordin, Ruth, Woman and Temperance: The Quest for Power and Liberty, 1873-1900 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Hewitt, Nancy A., Women's Activism and Social Change: Rochester, New York, 1822-1872 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1984)Google Scholar; and Baker, Paula, The Moral Frameworks of Public Life: Gender, Politics, and the State in Rural New York, 1870-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991).Google Scholar

18. McDannell, Colleen, The Christian Home In Victorian America, 1840-1900 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

19. Douglas, Ann, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1977)Google Scholar; Taves, Ann, “Mothers and Children and the Legacy of Mid-Nineteenth Century American Christianity,” Journal of Religion 67, no. 2 (1987): 203-19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20. Braude, Ann, Radical Spirits: Spiritualism and Women's Rights in Nineteenth-Century America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989).Google Scholar

21. Pellauer, Mary D., Toward a Tradition of Feminist Theology: The Religious Social Thought of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and Anna Howard Shaw (Brooklyn: Carlson Publishing, 1991), xvxvii.Google Scholar

22. Blocker, Jack S. Jr., “Separate Paths: Suffragists and the Women's Temperance Crusade,” Signs 10, no. 3 (Spring 1985): 460-76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the need for greater cooperation between “secular” and “religious” historians, see Sklar, Kathryn Kish, “The Last Fifteen Years,” in Women in New Worlds: Historical Perspectives on the Wesleyan Tradition, ed. Thomas, Hilah F. and Keller, Rosemary Skinner (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1981), 4865.Google Scholar

23. See Sweet, Leonard I., “Wise as Serpents, Innocent as Doves: The New Evangelical Historiography,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 56, no. 3 (Fall 1988): 397416.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24. Hassey, Janette, No Time For Silence: Women in Public Ministry Around the Turn of the Century (Grand Rapids: Academie Books, 1986)Google Scholar; DeBerg, Betty A., Ungodly Women: Gender and the First Wave of American Fundamentalism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990)Google Scholar; Bendroth, Margaret L., Fundamentalism and Gender, 1875 to the Present (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993).Google Scholar

25. Thekla Caldwell, “Women, Men and Revival: The Third Awakening in Chicago” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois at Chicago, 1991).

26. See Bederman, Gail, “The Women Have Had Charge of the Church Work Long Enough: The Men and Religion Forward Movement of 1911-1912 and the Masculinization of Middle-Class Protestantism,” American Quarterly, 41, no. 3 (September 1989): 432-65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

27. Caldwell, “Women, Men, and Revival,” chap. 2. For an analysis of the importance of separate female institutions in promoting women's autonomy during this time period, see Freedman, Estelle B., “Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870-1930,” Feminist Studies 5 (Fall 1979): 512-29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28. Cott, Nancy F., The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 282.Google Scholar

29. Bendroth, Margaret L., “The Search for ‘Women's Roles’ in American Evangelicalism, 1930-1980,” in Evangelicalism and Modern America, ed. Marsden, George M. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984), 122-34.Google Scholar

30. Hamilton, Michael S., “Women, Public Ministry, and Fundamentalism,” Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 3, no. 2 (Summer 1993): 188.Google Scholar

31. See note 5.

32. See Carnes, Mark C., Secret Ritual and Manhood in Victorian America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; Clawson, Mary Ann, Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dumenil, Lynn, Freemasonry and American Culture, 1880-1930 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Goodman, Paul, Towards a Christian Republic: Anti-masonry and the Great Transition in New England, 1826-1836 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

33. Finke, and Stark, , The Churching of America, 16.Google Scholar

34. See Bureau of the Census, Eleventh Census of the United States: 1890, 9 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1894)Google Scholar; Rev. Wm. Henry Roberts, D.D., The Church and Men (New York: The Board of Home Missions of the Presbyterian Church of the United States, 1896), 2. Several scholars have traced the predominance of women in Protestant churches back to the colonial period. See Porterfield, Amanda, “Women's Attraction to Puritanism,” Church History 60, no. 2 (June 1991): 196209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35. See Carnes, , Ritual and Manhood, 3.Google Scholar

36. Men were also in the new College fraternities, the YMCA, and the Boy Scouts, each of which paid attention to ritual in their collective lives. See McLeod, David I., Building Character in the American Boy: The Boy Scouts, YMCA, and Their Forerunners, 1870-1920 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Filene, Peter G., Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modern America, 2d ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986)Google Scholar; and Kett, Joseph F., Rites of Passage: Adolescence in America, 1790 to the Present (New York: Basic Books, 1977).Google Scholar

37. Lears, T. J. Jackson, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981).Google Scholar

38. Carnes, , Ritual and Manhood, 31.Google Scholar

39. Anthony Fels, “The Square and the Compass: San Francisco's Free-masons and American Religion, 1870-1900” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1987), 435.

40. Carnes, , Secret Ritual and Manhood, 79.Google Scholar

41. Clawson, , Constructing Brotherhood, 172-87.Google Scholar

42. These tensions between male fraternal members and female church- goers were exacerbated by the extreme Separation of women from men among the urban, Victorian middle class. In her classic article on “The Female World of Love and Ritual,” Carroll Smith-Rosenberg depicts women's domestic sphere as an emotionally rich and supportive world of women in which men made a “shadowy” and unwelcome appearance. See Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll, “The Female World of Love and Ritual” in her Disorderly Conduct, 5376.Google Scholar Donald Yacovone's study of the Garrisonian “Abolitionists and the ‘Language of Fraternal Love’ ” and Anthony Rotundo's article on “Romantic Friendship” portray a similarly separate world of emotional bonding and fraternal love among middle-class, urban men. See Donald Yacovone, “Abolitionists and the ‘Language of Fraternal Love’ ” in Meanings for Manhood, ed. Carnes and Griffin, 85-95; and Rotundo, E. Anthony, “Romantic Friendship: Male Intimacy and Middle-Class Youth in the Northern United States, 1800-1900,” Journal of Social History 23 (Fall 1989): 125.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. Carnes, , Ritual and Manhood, ix.Google Scholar

44. Carnes, ibid., 125-26.

45. “The five-member committee that in 1845 revised the rituals of the Odd Fellows included Edwin Hubbell Chapin, a prominent Universalist minister; and John McCabe, a banker who three years later was ordained as an Episcopalian minister. Chapin's background was particularly incongruous with his role in the order. Raised in a stalwart Puritan family, he rebelled against his family's orthodoxy. 'I reject the doctrine of the trinity, of a vicarious sacrifice to appease the wrath of God, of total depravity, original sin,’ he said in 1840. His was a ‘religion of love, and not of fear.’ Yet four years after making this Statement, he helped, as chairman of the Odd Fellows Committee on Ritual Revision, to create a ceremony that asserted man's innate depravity and that culminated in the frightening encounter with a skeleton.” Carnes, , Ritual and Manhood, 61.Google Scholar

46. The close relationship between the church and the lodge within the black Community began with Prince Hall and lasted at least until the 1930's. Prince Hall was a minister of the Methodist Church. When the fraternity spread out of his home State of Massachusetts, other clerics were in the vanguard of its growth. The Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania was established in 1815 by the Rev. Absalom Jones, founder of the Negro Episcopal Church, and the Rev. Richard Allen, founder of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Absalom Jones served as the Pennsylvania Grand Lodge's first Grand Master. The movement of the Order into the South during the Civil War and Reconstruction was often accomplished by ministers simultaneously spreading Masonry and the African Methodist Episcopal Church. One of the major links between Freemasonry and religion in the newly liberated South was Bishop J. W. Hood of the American Methodist Episcopal Zion Church. During Reconstruction, Hood wore three hats: Assistant Superintendent of Public Instruction of North Carolina under the Freedmen's Bureau; Superintendent of Missions for the A.M.E. Zion Church; and Superintendent of the Southern Jurisdiction of the Masonic Grand Lodge of New York. In North Carolina, he helped establish both his church and large numbers of Masonic lodges. When both institutions were firmly established, he became a bishop of the church in 1872 and Grand Master of the Masons of North Carolina from 1870 to 1883. See Muraskin, William A., Middle-Class Blacks in a White Society: Prince Hall Freemasonry in America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975).Google Scholar Though good statistical data is hard to come by, Carter Woodson's 1934 study of the Negro Professional Man found that, among African American lawyers, 53 percent were members of churches while 50 percent were members of fraternal lodges. See Woodson, Carter Godwin, The Negro Professional Man and the Community with Special Emphasis on the Physician and the Lawyer (Washington, D.C.: The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Inc., 1934).Google Scholar

47. See Kerber, “Separate Spheres, Female Worlds”; and Hewitt, “Beyond the Search for Sisterhood.”

48. Many critics have called attention to this tendency to assume what Elizabeth V. Spelman terms an “homogeneous womanhood” that all woman have in common despite their racial, class, and ethnic differences. See Spelman, Elizabeth V., Inessential Woman: Problems of Exclusion in Feminist Thought (Boston: Beacon Press, 1988).Google Scholar See also Hull, Gloria T., Scott, Patricia Bell, and Smith, Barbara, All the Women are White, All the Blacks are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1982)Google Scholar; McDowall, Deborah E. and Rampersad, Arnold, eds., Slavery and the Literary Imagination (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989)Google Scholar; White, Ar'n't I a Woman?; bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (Boston: South End Press, 1981); and Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood.

49. For an overview, see Hewitt, “Beyond the Search for Sisterhood.”

50. See Fields, Barbara Jeanne, “Ideology and Race in American History,” in Region, Race, and Reconstruction: Essays in Honor of C. Vann Woodward, ed. Kousser, J. Morgan and McPherson, James M. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), 143-47.Google Scholar See also Fields, Barbara Jeanne, “Slavery, Race, and Ideology in the United States of America,” New Left Review no. 181 (May/June 1990): 95118 Google Scholar; Omi, Michael and Winant, Howard, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s (New York: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1986)Google Scholar; Webster, Yehudi O., The Racialization of America (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992)Google Scholar; and Gates, Henry Louis Jr., ed., “Race,” Writing, and Difference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).Google Scholar

51. See Frederickson, George M., The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817-1914 (New York: Harper and Row, 1971).Google Scholar

52. On the need to interrogate “whiteness,” see bell hooks, Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics (Boston: South End Press, 1990); and Frankenberg, Ruth, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).Google Scholar

53. On the production and maintenance of power relations, see Foucault, Michel, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed. Gordon, Colin (New York: Pantheon, 1980).Google Scholar

54. One ironic outcome of the new interest in popular religion and, hence, a turning away from denominational histories by mainline scholars, is an absence of good institutional histories of African American congregations. For a helpful overview of current scholarship on African American religious history and the available sources for future scholarship, see Raboteau, Albert J., Wills, David W., Burkett, Randall K., Gravely, Will B., and Washington, James Melvin, “Retelling Carter Woodson's Story: Archival Sources for Afro-American Church History,” The Journal of American History 77 (June 1990): 183-99.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55. See Salvatorre, Nick, ‘Two Tales of a City: Nineteenth Century Black Philadelphia,” Dissent 38 (Spring 1991): 227-35.Google Scholar

56. Laurie Maffly-Kipp makes the argument for the need to historicize race in our histories of black denominational life in “African-American Communal Memory: Denominational Identity and the Construction of Race” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Washington, D.C., November 1993).

57. Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks, “African-American Women's History and the Metalanguage of Race,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 17, no. 2 (1992): 251-74.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

58. Like other religious historians, Higginbotham is critical of women's historians who focus on women's associations, in this case the National Association of Colored Women, as exemplary of women's activism, yet do not explore the precedent of church work in undergirding an identifiable part of what is erroneously assumed to be “secular.” Higginbotham, Evelyn Brooks, Righteous Discontent: The Women's Movement in the Black Baptist Church, 1880-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).Google Scholar

59. Higginbotham, , Righteous Discontent, 2.Google Scholar

60. Carby, , Reconstructing Womanhood, 1718.Google Scholar

61. See Higginbotham, , Righteous Discontent, 88119.Google Scholar See also Bederman, Gail, “ ‘Civilization,’ the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign (1892-1894),” Radical History Review 52 (Winter 1992): 530.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

62. On this “culture of dissemblance,” see Hine, Darlene Clark, “Rape and the Inner Lives of Black Women in the Middle West: Preliminary Thoughts on the Culture of Dissemblance,” in Unequal Sisters, ed. DuBois, and Ruiz, , 292-97.Google Scholar

63. Higginbotham, , Righteous Discontent, 187.Google Scholar

64. For more on black men's perspective on black women's activism, see Rosalyn Terborg-Penn, “Black Male Perspectives on the Nineteenth-Century Woman” in her The Afro-American Woman, 28-42.

65. Higginbotham, , Righteous Discontent, 142.Google Scholar

66. Finke, and Stark, , The Churching of America, 109-44.Google Scholar

67. See Jackson, Pauline, “Women in Nineteenth Century Irish Emigration,” International Migration Review 18 (Winter 1984): 1007.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a closer look at the life of these women, see Melissa Annore Horton's fine undergraduate thesis, “ ‘Her Belief in Herself': Working-Class Irish Catholic Immigrant Women in America, 1850-1940” (B.A. thesis, Reed College, 1992).

68. Tentler, Leslie, “On the Margins: The State of American Catholic History,” American Quarterly 45, no. 1 (March 1993): 115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

69. Gutman, Herbert G., “Protestantism and the American Labor Movement: The Christian Spirit in the Gilded Age,” in his Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working-Class and Social History (New York: Vintage Books, 1977), 79117 Google Scholar; see also Lazarow, Jama, “Religion and Labor Reform in Antebellum America: The World of William Field Young,” American Quarterly 38, no. 2 (Summer 1986): 265-86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Laurie, Bruce, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980).Google Scholar For a discussion of the interpretive tactics taken by historians of religion and economics in the nineteenth Century, see Michael Zuckerman, “Holy Wars, Civil Wars.” A recent treatment of working-class Christianity is in chap. 7, “Selling Religion in the Work-place: Wage Earners and the Pressures of Marketed Morality,” of R. Laurence Moore's Selling God: American Religion in the Marketplace of Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 172-203.

70. Handlin, Oscar, Boston's Immigrants: A Study in Acculturation (New York: Atheneum, 1972).Google Scholar Despite the reactionary positions of Popes Pius IX (1846-1878) and Leo XIII (1878-1903), there was some Catholic support for labor organizations. See Moore, , Selling God, 173-81Google Scholar; and Foner, Eric, “Class, Ethnicity, and Radicalism in the Gilded Age: The Land League and Irish America,” Marxist Perspectives 1 (Summer 1978): 26.Google Scholar

71. See, for example, Kessler-Harris, Alice, Out to Work: A History of Wage-Earning Women in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; and Kennedy, Susan Estabrook, If All We Did was to Weep at Home: A History of White Working-Class Women in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979).Google Scholar For a recent effort to interpret gender, class, and religion in an American Irish Catholic Community, see Kane, Paula M. Separatism and Subculture: Boston Catholicism, 1900- 1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).Google Scholar

72. For the past decade, Margaret Susan Thompson has pioneered the research on Catholic women, particularly Catholic women religious. She provides an overview in “Women and American Catholicism, 1798-1989,” in Perspectives on the American Catholic Church, 1789-1989, ed. Stephen J. Viccio and Virginia Geiger (Westminster, Md.: Christian Classics, 1989), 123-42; and “Women, Feminism, and the New Religious History: Catholic Sisters as a Case Study,” in Belief and Behavior: Essays in the New Religious History ed. Philip R. VanderMeer and Robert P. Swierenga (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991), 136-62. Thompson has also explored the plight of African American nuns in “Philemon's Dilemma: Nuns and the Black Community in Nineteenth Century America: Some Findings,” Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia 96-98 (1985-1987): 3-18. Two essays explore differences within congregations of women religious: “Sisterhood and Power: Class, Culture, and Ethnicity in the American Convent,” Colby Library Quarterly 25 (September 1989): 149-75; and “Cultural Conundrum: Sisters, Ethnicity, and the Adaptation of American Catholicism,” Mid-America: An Historical Review 74 (October 1992): 205-230. Thompsons book on women religious is forthcoming, The Yoke of Grace: American Nuns and Social Change, 1808-1917 (New York: Oxford University Press).

73. Tentler, “On the Margins,” 108.

74. See especially Orsi, Robert Anthony, The Madonna of ll5th Street: Faith and Community in Italian Harlem, 1880-1950 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; and Orsi, Robert, “The Religious Boundaries of an In-Between People: Street Feste and the Problem of the Dark-Skinned Other in Italian Harlem, 1920-1990,” American Quarterly 44, no. 2 (September 1992): 313-47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Dolan, Jay's work, especially: The Immigrant Church: New York's Irish and German Catholics, 1815-1865 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975)Google Scholar; Catholic Revivalism: The American Experience, 1830-1900 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1978); and The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1985).

75. See McDannell, , The Christian Home In Victorian America, 5275.Google Scholar

76. In her study of middle-class Irish-Catholic masculinity, Colleen McDannell identified three ideals promoted by Catholic culture as characteristic of the “true man.” These included: “regular participation in Catholic rituals and associations, leadership in domestic affairs, and moderation in economic ambitions.” Catholic advice literature carried this emphasis into the home by encouraging men to moderate their economic ambitions and, instead, assert their authority over family life. McDannell, Colleen, “ ‘True Men as We Need Them:’ Catholicism and the Irish-American Male,” American Studies 26, no. 2 (Fall 1986): 1936.Google Scholar

77. Clarke, Brian P., Piety and Nationalism: Lay Voluntary Associations and the Creation of an Irish-Catholic Community in Toronto, 1850-1895 (Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press, 1993), 257.Google Scholar Clarke's innovative treatment of Irish ethnicity and Catholicism assumes that ethnicity is not an inherited, fixed identity. Rather, it is constantly being reformulated by people amidst changing cultural and social conditions. The ethnicity formed by the interaction between Irish nationalism, Catholicism, and the new American environment was therefore something new and different from some presumed primordial Irish ethnic identity. For a discussion of the construction of ethnicity, see Sollors, Werner, ed., The Invention of Ethnicity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

78. See Kauffman, Christopher J., Faith and Fraternalism: The History of the Knights of Columbus, rev. ed. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992).Google Scholar

79. Clarke, , Piety and Nationalism, 72.Google Scholar

80. See McDannell, Colleen, “Catholic Domesticity,” in American Catholic Women: A Historical Exploration, ed. Kennelly, Karen (New York: Macmillan, 1989), 4880 Google Scholar; and Taves, Ann, The Household of Faith: Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1986).Google Scholar

81. See Clarke, , Piety and Nationalism, 86.Google Scholar

82. Orsi, Robert, “What Did Women Think They Were Doing When They Prayed to St. Jude?U.S. Catholic Historian 8 (Winter/Spring 1989): 76.Google Scholar

83. Orsi, Robert, “ ‘He Keeps Me Going’: Women's Devotion to St. Jude and the Dialects of Gender in American Catholicism,” in Belief in History: Innovative Approaches to European and American Religion, ed. Kselman, Thomas (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991), 160.Google Scholar Orsi's study of Catholic women's devotion to St. Jude, Thank You, St. Jude: Women's Devotion to the Patron Saint of Hopeless Causes, 1929-1965, is forthcoming from Yale University Press. Additional earlier work of Orsi's on this project can be found in the following places: “What Did Women Think They Were Doing When They Prayed to St. Jude?” U.S. Catholic Historian 8 (Winter/Spring 1989): 67-79; “The Center Out There, In Here, and Everywhere Else: The Nature of Pilgrimage to the Chicago Shrine of Saint Jude,” Journal of Social History 25, no. 2 (Winter 1991): 213-32; and “ ‘Have You Ever Prayed to St. Jude?’ Reflections on Fieldwork in Chicago,” in Reimagining Denominationalism: Interpretive Essays, ed. Robert Bruce Mullin and Russell E. Richey (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 134-61.

84. Orsi, “ ‘He Keeps Me Going,’ ” 148. See also Scott, Joan Wallach, Gender and the Politics of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).Google Scholar

85. See Gerson, Judith M. and Peiss, Kathy, “Boundaries, Negotiation, Consciousness: Reconceptualizing Gender Relations,” Social Problems 32, no. 4 (April 1985): 317-31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

86. See Orsi, “ ‘He Keeps Me Going,’ ” 160.

87. See David G. Hackett, “The Church and the Lodge: Gender Tensions, Region, and Theology in Late Nineteenth Century Protestant Culture” (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian American Studies Association, Halifax, Nova Scotia, October 15-16, 1993).

88. The concept of separate spheres has been criticized by many scholars for its tendency to reify the division of social experience into public/male and private/female worlds and to neglect the interactions between them. See, for example, Gerson and Peiss, “Boundaries”; Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, Work and Family in the United States: A Critical Review and Agenda for Research and Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1977)Google Scholar; and Pleck, Elizabeth, “Two Worlds in One: Work and the Family,” Journal of Social History 10, no. 2 (1976): 178-95.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

89. See Rosaldo, M. Z., “The Use and Abuse of Anthropology: Reflections on Feminism and Cross-cultural Understanding,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 5, no. 3 (1980): 389417.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

90. The most recent and illumining study of the transformations of family life within a religious tradition is A. Gregory Schneider, The Way of the Cross Leads Home: The Domestication of American Methodism (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993). Kane offers insight into Boston Irish Catholic families in Separatism and Subculture. The now classic Statement on the emergence of the modern family within mainstream Protestantism is Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class. What “family” meant outside the confines of the “nuclear” family has not yet been explored.

91. Don Browning, Pam Couture, Bonnie Miller-McLemore, Margaret Bendroth, Phyllis Airhart, David Watt, and their associates are currently at work on a multivolume study of religion and the family in American life that promises some exploration of this historiographical problem. For two interim reports on this project, see Browning, Don S., “The Religion, Culture, and Family Project,” Criterion 32, no. 2 (1993), 511 Google Scholar; and Wall, John, “The New Middle Ground in the Family Debate,” Criterion 33, no. 3 (1994).Google Scholar

92. See Carnes, Mark, “Iron John in the Gilded Age,” American Heritage 44, no. 5 (September 1993): 42 Google Scholar; and Carnes, , Ritual and Manhood, 3.Google Scholar

93. Lane, Roger, William Dorsey's Philadelphia and Ours: On the Post and Future of the Black City in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 279.Google Scholar

94. Muraskin, , Middle-Class Blacks in a White Society, 1331.Google Scholar

95. Kauffman, , Faith and Fraternalism, xiii-xv.Google Scholar

96. Mark Carnes compares and contrasts nineteenth-century fraternal Orders with the contemporary men's movement in “Iron John in the Gilded Age,” 37-45.

97. Orsi, “What Did Women Think?” 79.

98. Ibid.

99. Ibid.

100. Next up for investigation: doesn't “religion” here really mean Christianity (though see note 14)?