Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
It has become a commonplace that Tudor and early Stuart historical authors recognized a formal distinction between “antiquities” and “history,” yet neither the grounds nor the extent of the distinction has been explored in depth. Because some Tudor historical writers could and, on occasion, did ignore it in practice, the distinction has sometimes been deemed a technicality of only minor interest. Nearly twenty-five years ago, F. Smith Fussner described what he termed an English “historical revolution” between 1580 and 1640, a revolution which witnessed the rise of historical writing in something like its modern form. From Fussner's point of view, it mattered only that men were bringing new sources and innovative, critical research methods to the study of the past; whether they called themselves historians, scholars, philologists or antiquaries was of little importance.
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16 Leviathan, I, ix. Similar taxonomies can be found in Grey Brydges, fifth Lord Chandos (attribution questionable), Horae subsecivae: observations and discourses (London, 1620), pp. 194-95; Heylyn, Peter, Microcosmus, or a little description of the great world (Oxford, 1621)Google Scholar; and Whear, Degory, Relectiones hyemales de ratione et methodo legendi utrasque Historias civiles et ecclesiasticas (2nd ed.; Oxford, 1637; trans. Bohun, Edmund, London, 1685).Google Scholar
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19 E.g. Machin, Lewis and Markham, Gervase, The dumbe knight (London, 1608)Google Scholar, an “historicall comedy” which involves fictional personages; or Ford, John, The chronicle historic of Perkin Warbeck (London, 1634)Google Scholar which concerns real ones. Shakespeare's “histories” also provide an excellent example.
20 Daniel, Samuel, The Civil Wars (London, 1595-1609), ed. Michel, Laurence (New Haven, 1958), I, 6 Google Scholar and introduction. Other examples include Francis Hubert's verse Historic of Edward the second (London, 1629) and the many historical poems of Michael Drayton and Thomas May. Cf. Benjamin, E. B., “Fame, Poetry and the Order of History in the Literature of the English Renaissance,” Studies in the Renaissance, 6 (1959), 64–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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26 Hearne, Thomas, A Collection of Curious Discourses (revised ed., ed. Ayloffe, Joseph, 2 vols.; London, 1771)Google Scholar; on the society itself, see Linda Van Norden, “The Elizabethan College of Antiquaries” (Ph.D. thesis, University of California at Los Angeles, 1946), and “Sir Henry Spelman on the Chronology of the Elizabethan College of Antiquaries,” Huntington Library Quarterly, 13 (1949-50), 131-60; McKisack, May, Medieval History in the Tudor Age (Oxford, 1972), pp. 85–93 Google Scholar; Evans, Joan, A History of the Society of Antiquaries (Oxford, 1956), pp. 7–13 Google Scholar; Levine, Joseph M., “Tudor Antiquaries,” History Today, 20 (April, 1970), 278-85.Google Scholar
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34 Camden to de Thou, 10 August, 1612: Bibliothèque National, Paris, Collection Dupuy, MS 632, fols. 103r-v (a copy of this is in Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Smith 74, fols.25-28). For the Annales, see Trevor-Roper, H. R., Queen Elizabeth's First Historian: William Camden and the Beginnings of English “Civil” History (Neale lecture, London, 1971).Google Scholar The breadth of Camden's interests are illustrated in the admirable library list compiled by DeMolen, Richard L., “The Library of William Camden,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 128, no. 4, 327–409.Google Scholar
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43 Lambarde, , The perambulation of Kent (2nd ed.; London, 1596), p. 23.Google Scholar Cf. Lambarde's Dictionarium Angliae topographicum & historicum (1st ed.; 1730). In the dedication to the Perambulation Lambirde explains that he called this work a dictionary and not a history “because it was digested into titles by order of alphabet, and concerned the description of places.”
44 Lambarde's friend, Sir Thomas Wotton, actually referred to the Perambulation as a history in his commendatory letter to the second (1596) edition—but only because it did some of the things he thought a history should do, such as recounting the deeds of the county's great men in “good words well placed, eloquently”! Ibid., epistle dedicatory; Thomas Wotton, “To his countriemen, the gentlemen of Kent,” ibid.,sigs. A3-A4v.
45 Godwin to Camden, 27 May 1608 and 9 October 1620, in Gulielmi Camdeni et illustrium virorum ad G. Camdenum epistolae, ed. Thomas Smith (London, 1691), pp. 109, 308; Merchant, W. M., “Bishop Francis Godwin, Historian and Novelist,” Journal of the Historical Society of the Church in Wales, 5 (1955), 45–51.Google Scholar
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48 Edmund Bolton, Hypercritica: or a rule of judgment for writing or reading our histories, in Critical Essays of the Seventeenth Century, ed. J. E. Spingarn (Oxford, 1907), pp. 83, 93. 97.
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55 Selden, “Illustrations” to Michael Drayton, Poly-Olbion (Part One, 1612), in Works of Michael Drayton, ed. J. W. Hebel (2nd ed., 5 vols.; Oxford, 1961), IV, 246, 272.
56 Selden, , Titles of Honour (1st ed.; London, 1614)Google Scholar, epistle dedicatory, sig. a3; Titles of Honour (2nd ed.; London, 1631), in Opera omnia, III, 99. The first edition includes an extensive bibliography of Selden's sources (sigs. Ddd4v-Ffiv). Further information on Selden's reading list appears in Barratt, D. M., “The Library of John Selden and Its Later History,” Bodleian Library Record, 3 (1950-51), 128-42, 208-13, 256-74Google Scholar; and in Sparrow, J., “The Earlier Owners of Books in John Selden's Library,” Bodleian Quarterly Record, 6 (1931), 263-71.Google Scholar These can be supplemented by the manuscript library list and correspondence in Bodl. Lib. MSS Selden Supra 108-109, 111 and 123.
57 For “synchronism,” see Selden's introduction to Poly-Olbion, Works of Michael Drayton, IV, viii*.
58 Scaliger, Joseph Justus, Diatriba de Decimis, Opuscula varia antehac non edita, ed. Casaubon, Isaac (Paris, 1610), pp. 61–70.Google Scholar Selden cites this in his illustrations to Poly-Olbion (Works of Michael Drayton, IV, 186), and some notes in his hand on Scaliger's essay are to be found in Bodl. MS Selden Supra 108, fols. 187-90v. The works which may have aroused Selden's interest in the issue include SirHenry Spelman, , De non temerandis Ecclesiis (London, 1613)Google Scholar and Robartes, Foulke, The Revenue of the Gospel is tythes, due to the ministerie of the word, by that word (Cambridge, 1613).Google Scholar
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62 In February, 1619, the bishop of London had all unsold copies of the book seized from the booksellers; but, as Selden told the French scholar, Peiresc, he had managed to save and circulate the manuscript: Selden to Peiresc, 6 February, 1618/19, Bodl. MS Smith 74, fols. 163-65.
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64 Mountagu, Richard, Diatribae upon the first part of the late History of Tithes (London, 1622), p. 16.Google Scholar
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67 Selden, , “To my singular good friend, Mr. Augustine Vincent,” in Vincent, , A discoverie of errours in the first edition of the catalogue of nobility, published by Ralph Brooke, Yorke Herald, 1619 (London, 1622)Google Scholar, sigs.a-av Selden's own annotated copy of this work is Bodl. lib. shelfmark S. 1.11 Jur. Seld.
68 D. R. Woolf, “John Selden, John Borough, and Francis Bacon's History of Henry VII, 1621,” Huntington Library Quarterly, 47 (1984-85), pp. 47-53.
69 Selden, Titles of Honour (2nd ed.), Opera omnia, III, 102 (my emphasis).
70 Ibid., III, 103.
71 Compare this title with the autograph MS, “a discourse or relation both of the auncyent and modern estate of the principality of Wales, dutchie of Cornewall, and earledom of Chester,” Inner Temple Library, London, Petyt MS 538, vol. 39, fols. 205-264v, signed and dated by Dodderidge (fol. 206), 1 Jan. 1 Jas.I (i.e., 1604
72 Heylyn, Peter, The history ofthe Sabbath (London, 1636), sig. A6.Google Scholar
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74 Philipot, John, Catalogue of the chancellors of England, the lord keepers of the greate seale, and the lord treasurers of England (London, 1636), sig. Bv Google Scholar; Philipot appears to have modelled his book on the Recueil des roys de France, lew couronne et maison (7th edn., 3 parts; Paris, 1607) by the French archivist, Jean du Tillet, for which see Kelley, , Foundations, pp. 222-33.Google Scholar
75 Dugdale, , The Antiquities of Warwickshire illustrated (London, 1656)Google Scholar, preface; Van Norden, “Elizabethan College of Antiquaries,” diss, cit., pp. 482-83. Against this, compare a remark by Dering, in some undated-notes, that to call St. Osmund a Norman simply because he had come over with William the Conqueror (as had, he claimed, John Bale and Francis Godwin) was “very pardonable in such an historyn, but not so in an Antiquary.” Kent Archives Office, U.133, Z.3, p. 16. I owe this reference to the kindness of Mr. Peter Salt of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge.
76 Shakerley Marmion, The Antiquary, Act I, p. 216, in Dramatic Works of Shakerley Marmion (Edinburgh and London, n.d.).
77 Kennett, White, Parochial Antiquities, Attempted in the History of Ambrosden, Burcester, and other adjacent parts in the counties of Oxford and Bucks, ed. Bandinel, B. (2 vols.; Oxford, 1818), I, xvii.Google Scholar Interestingly, Kennett tried to arrange his antiquities in chronological order, proceeding like an annalist, year by year from the Norman Conquest.
78 The Oxford English Dictionary lists the first use of “antiquarian” as a noun as early as 1610, though it did not enjoy much use till considerably later; the adjective, however, did not become current before the mid-eighteenth century.
79 Marmion, , The Antiquary, I, 210.Google Scholar
80 Earle, John, Micro-cosmographie or a piece of the world discovered (6th ed.; London, 1633), no. 9.Google Scholar For later examples, see A new dictionary of the canting crew (London, 1690) and Puckle, James, The Club: or a dialogue between father and son (London, 1711), pp. 10–11.Google Scholar I owe this last reference to Jane Arscott.
81 Rawlinson, Richard, A New Method of Studying History, Geography and Cosmology (2 vols.; London, 1730), II, 460-62.Google Scholar
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85 Among the several friends and colleagues who have read and commented on earlier versions of this essay, I should like to thank especially Fritz Levy and Paul Christianson. A travel grant from Queen's University at Kingston allowed me to read an abridged version at the Pacific Northwest Renaissance Conference in Vancouver, 29 March, 1985. I am grateful to the conference members for their comments. None of the above is responsible for the errors that remain.