Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
In arguing for democracy's universal promotion in the world today, America's leaders simplify democracy's procedural requirements and reduce the nature and degree of participation required of its citizens. Tocqueville's more sophisticated analysis of the essential underpinnings of a healthy democratic society argues that the genius of American democracy lies in its juxtaposition of two separate democratic tracks, one national and the other local. On one track, to be sure, he situated the broad freedoms assured by our deftly balanced national constitution. But he assigned equal pride of place to a complementary track of robust “secondary liberties.” After recounting Tocqueville's lifelong effort to determine the appropriate levels of such local engagement, indexed to considerations of religion, national security, and the progress of civilization itself, the essay explains that Tocqueville never took for granted democratic political transitions, seeing them as products of human wisdom and choice, not historical necessity.
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15. For Tocqueville's general writings on local governmental issues during the July Monarchy, see OC, X, pp. 593–702Google Scholar. For a thorough review of his investigations into the care of abandoned children, see Drolet, Michael, Tocqueville, Democracy and Social Reform (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), pp. 161–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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17. “Report Given before the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences on January 15, 1848, on the Subject of M. Cherbuliez′ Book Entitled On Democracy in Switzerland,” in Tocqueville, , Democracy in America, ed. Mayer, J.-P., trans. Lawrence, George (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1969), p. 749.Google Scholar
18. Ibid., pp. 741–42, 746–47.
19. Tocqueville, , The Old Regime, p. 210.Google Scholar
20. Diamond, Larry, “Thinking About Hybrid Regimes,” Journal of Democracy, 13, no. 2 (2002): 21–35.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21. Huntington, Samuel P., The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century (Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), p. 16.Google Scholar
22. Ibid., p. 27.
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24. For a fuller consideration of how “two types of regimes, therefore, and only two can be established on this social base [generated by equality of conditions],” see Manent, Pierre, Tocqueville and the Nature of Democracy, trans. Waggoner, John (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1996), pp. 2–12.Google Scholar
25. Carothers, Thomas, “The End of the Transition Paradigm,” Journal of Democracy 13, no. 1 (2002): 5–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
26. See the mission statements of four leading community organizing training institutes which today focus chiefly on developing “church-based” organizations across America: “www.piconetwork.org,” “www.gamaliel.org,” “www.thedartcenter.org,” and “www.industrialareasfoundation.org.”
27. See, for example, Malley, Robert and Hiltermann, Joost, “Think Small in Iraq,” New York Times, 11 30, 2004, sec. 1, A27.Google Scholar
28. Bryan, Frank M., Real Democracy: The New England Town Meeting and How It Works (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004).Google Scholar For an overview of American local governments, see Ostrom, Vincent, Bish, Robert, and Ostrom, Elinor, Local Government in the United States (San Francisco: Institute for Contemporary Studies, 1988).Google Scholar
29. Tocqueville, , “Report Given before the Academy of Moral and Political Sciences on January 15, 1848,” p. 740.Google Scholar
30. The classic statement of “the struggle in any democracy between unitary and adversary forces” is that of Mansbridge, Jane J., Beyond Adversary Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 39–135.Google Scholar
31. Tocqueville, , The Old Regime, p. 283.Google Scholar
32. For comments on parallel tensions in Tocqueville's associational views, see Boyd, Richard, Uncivil Society: The Perils of Pluralism and the Making of Modern Liberalism (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, Rowman and Littlefield, 2004), pp. 231–34.Google Scholar