Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 September 2010
Modern politics is at times a balancing act between universal claims about the human (equal rights, dignity, and respect) and political actions which may seem to violate these claims (torture, just wars, repudiation of certain cultural practices, tacit discrimination). An exploration of some of the philosophical roots of the modern understanding of the person, when it was the subject of debate, provides a perspective at the origin of Modernity from which to evaluate the tenuous relationship between moral universalism and alterity at the heart of this tension. The debates at Valladolid in 1550–51 between Las Casas and Sepúlveda, arguing their conceptions of the human, can shed light on how and why arguments for inequality creep back into the modern discourse on alterity. The lessons from Valladolid, therefore, might help to limit or clarify recourse to such arguments.
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3 President George W. Bush, at www.whitehouse.gov.news/releases/2002/01/20020129-11.html (accessed May 10, 2008).
4 In 2005, the French Interior Minister (now President) Nicolas Sarkozy used the term “racaille”—a pejorative term which translates as “scum”—to refer to French citizens of immigrant descent at the heart of the suburbs crisis (“Nicolas Sarkozy continue de vilipender ‘racailles et voyous,’” Le Monde, November 11, 2005).
5 Brown, Wendy, “Tolerance As/In Civilizational Discourse,” in Toleration and Its Limits, ed. Williams, Melissa S. (New York: New York University Press, 2008), 409.Google Scholar
6 When I speak of Modernity, I refer to a philosophical period characterized by the growth of reason which yielded universal claims about the common rationality and moral egalitarianism of all humans. Because of the salience of moral egalitarianism, Modernity entails a political link to the concept of universal human rights, and thus subsequently to liberalism and democracy. Taylor suggests it is “more appropriate to think of multiple modernities, and recognize that Western modernity might be powered by its own version of the good—that is, by one constellation of the good among many” (“Two Theories of Modernity,” 136). That said, it is also important to recognize how “Western modernity,” because it is the dominant form, circumscribes how the human is measured, and what this means for its egalitarian principles.
7 Studies that explore this theme are Methna, Uday S., “Liberal Strategies of Exclusion,” Politics and Society 18, no. 4 (1990): 427–54;Google ScholarTaylor, Charles, “Dynamics of Democratic Exclusion,” Journal of Democracy 9, no. 4 (1998): 143–56;CrossRefGoogle ScholarParekh, Bhikhu, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000);Google ScholarJanara, Laura, “Brothers and Others: Tocqueville and Beaumont, U.S. Genealogy, Democracy, and Racism,” Political Theory 32, no. 6 (2004): 773–800.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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17 Lupher, Romans, 112. There is as yet no English translation of this work. I use the Latin-Spanish edition Demócrates Segundo o de las justas causas de la guerra contra los indios, ed. Angel Losada (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1984). All translations are my own.
18 See also Leopold's questions about whether war was the beast means to assimilate the Indians (25–27, 76), his belief that the Spanish ought to “give restitution for all the goods taken from the Indians” in these “unjust” and “cruel” wars (28), and his recognition that the Indians have dominium (43, 68–69).
19 de Sepúlveda, Juan Ginés, Epistolario de Juan Gines de Sepúlveda, trans. Losada, Angel (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispanica, 1966), 234;Google Scholar my translation. Aristotle was by no means accepted as the moral and political authority by all thinkers at the time, and among those who valued his ideas, there was significant disagreement about how to interpret them; see Nederman, Cary, “The Meaning of ‘Aristotelianism’ in Medieval Moral and Political Thought,” Journal of the History of Ideas 57, no. 4 (1996): 563–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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23 Sepúlveda is not the first to apply the natural slave theory. On his predecessors, such as John Mair, Gil Gregorio, Bernardo de Mesa, and Palacios Rubios, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, 37–56.
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