Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 August 2009
Quentin Skinner's method for studying the history of political thought has been widely and heatedly debated for decades. This article takes a new tack, offering a critique of Skinner's approach on the grounds he has himself established: consideration of his historical work as exemplifying the theory in practice. Three central assumptions of Skinner's method are briefly reviewed; each is then evaluated in the context of his writings on Hobbes. The analysis reveals problems and ambiguities in the specification and implementation of the method and in its underlying philosophy. The essay concludes by examining the broader practical and philosophical implications of adopting this approach to the study of political ideas: the method operationalizes a set of philosophical commitments that transforms ideological choices into questions of proper method.
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42 Parliament considered Hobbes's work on blasphemy charges in 1657 and 1666. Skinner's claim that these charges hurt Hobbes's image and discouraged citation of his work, thus concealing its true influence and relation to the Engagement debate, is anachronistic. Besides, it is difficult to square Skinner's reports of Hobbes's “notoriety” and “unspeakably dangerous” doctrines with his claim that Hobbes was popular and well-respected at home. Skinner cites Eachard, who wrote 28 years after the controversy, on Hobbes's popularity; all the authors cited there wrote after 1665, making their views irrelevant to Hobbes's stature in the early 1650s.
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48 By focusing on how Leviathan was received and used, rather than on the ideological context which allegedly shaped it, Skinner may overstate the theoretical importance of Engagement altogether (Mulligan, Lotte, Richards, Judith, and Graham, John, “Intentions and Conventions: A Critique of Quentin Skinner's Method for the Study of the History of Ideas,” Political Studies 27 [1979]: 95CrossRefGoogle Scholar). According to Wallace, the Engagement was not particularly shocking, coming in the wake of the Solemn League and Covenant (See Ashley, Maurice, The English Civil War, rev. ed. [Gloucester, 1990], p. 89Google Scholar); those who took the oath did so with the understanding that the illegal government was temporary. Most people took the pledge and most would not have hesitated to break it if the opportunity arose (Wallace, John M., “The Engagement Controversy 1649–53: An Annotated List of Pamphlets,” Bulletin of the New York Public Library 68 [1964]: 385–89Google Scholar). Even Bramhall recognized that, as a practical matter, loyalists should submit (Bramhall, , Castigations, pp. 543–44Google Scholar).
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53 I take up this problem of certainty below. Thanks to Perry Anderson and to referees at the Review for help on these points.
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64 Cf. Skinner, , “Motives, Intentions, and Interpretation,” p. 77.Google Scholar
65 I am grateful to a referee at the Review for help on this point.
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70 ibid., p. 256.
71 ibid., pp. 289–90.
72 ibid., pp. 3–4.
73 ibid., pp. 250–326.
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108 Skinner and other Cambridge school theorists have similarly reinterpreted Machiavelli, Locke, Harrington, and others.
109 This is not to take any position on whether these views do in fact require reexamination.