Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-g7gxr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-13T12:58:03.516Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Our Lady reconsidered: John Knox and the Virgin Mary

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 April 2014

Gabriel Torretta OP*
Affiliation:
Dominican House of Studies, 487 Michigan Ave NE, Washington, DC, USAztorretta@gmail.com

Abstract

The cult of the Virgin Mary had a complicated history in Scotland during the sixteenth century, with historical, devotional and literary evidence indicating both widespread acceptance of the church's traditional practices and growing dissatisfaction with them, particularly in elite culture. Anti-Marian polemics entered Scottish Christianity through various sources, including the Lollards around Kyle, the prominent witness of Patrick Hamilton, the preaching of Thomas Guillaume and George Wishart, the theological climate at St Leonard's college in St Andrews, as well as a number of popular works.

John Knox (1514–72) incorporated many of his contemporaries’ concerns in his own treatment of the question, being trained at St Andrews University and heavily influenced by Guillaume and Wishart. Knox considered the cult of Mary using the same tool that he used to analyse the cult of the saints in general, the mass, and liturgical ritual, contending that they could not be reconciled with his stringent doctrine of sola scriptura, in particular as read through the lens of Deuteronomy 12:32.

Yet for all that Mary and her place in Christian life and devotion formed a major aspect of sixteenth-century Scottish religious praxis, Knox gave little attention to her, preferring to indicate her proper place in Christian theology by presenting a vision of Christianity which omitted her almost entirely. Knox does indirectly indicate what he considers to be the proper Christian attitude towards the Virgin, however, through his explication of sola scriptura and its implications for genuine religious practice as opposed to idolatry, and his understanding of 1 Timothy 2:5 and the unique mediation of Christ. Where Knox does directly address the Marian question, he expresses his rejection of her cult in far more restrained terms than readers of his polemics against the mass may expect; while he is firm and unequivocal in denying Mary's intercessory role and in uprooting Marian devotional practice, his rhetorical restraint points to the irreducible dignity of Mary in the scriptural texts.

This article analyses the theology of Mary which Knox reveals in occasional comments scattered through his writings and attempts to place his ideas in their historical and theological context. By explicating the precise nature of Knox's objection to the cult of Mary, the article attempts to open the door for future Reformed–Catholic dialogue on the person of Mary and her place in the church of Christ.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Scottish Journal of Theology Ltd 2014 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Cranstoun, James (ed.), Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation, vol. 2 (Edinburgh and London: Scottish Text Society, 1891), pp. 334, 336Google Scholar.

2 To the best of my knowledge, only the following passages bear directly on Mary: The Works of John Knox, ed. David Laing, 6 vols (Edinburgh: Wodrow Society, 1846–64): 1:10, 1:18, 1:39, 1:68, 1:76 (editor's footnote), 1:162–3 (regarding the saints in general), 1:169, 1:227, 2:98, 2:99, 2:102, 2:103, 2:146, 2:185–6, 2:188–9 (regarding the saints in general), 3:16, 3:26, 3:50, 3:98, 3:243, 3:366, 4:169, 6:318–19.

3 The closest approximation is Cummings, Owen F., ‘Mary, the Reformation, and Some Scots! In Memory of John Macquarrie (1919–2007)’, New Blackfriars 90 (Nov. 2009), pp. 665–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but the article deals almost exclusively with Macquarrie's Mariology, referring to Knox only once.

4 Rubin, Miri, Mother of God: A History of the Virgin Mary (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009), p. 357Google Scholar.

5 Boece, Hector, The Chronicles of Scotland, trans. Bellenden, John, ed. Chambers, R. W. and Batho, Edith C., 2 vols (Edinburgh and London: Scottish Text Society, 1938), 1:17Google Scholar.

6 Ibid., 2:211. See also 2:175 celebrating the introduction of various Marian liturgical prayers.

7 Row, John, History of the Kirk of Scotland, ed. Laing, David (Edinburgh: Wodrow Society, 1842), p. 449Google Scholar, quoted in Kirk, James, ‘Iconoclasm and Reform’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society 24 (1992), p. 369Google Scholar.

8 Kirk, ‘Iconoclasm and Reform’, p. 371.

9 Cowan, Ian B., The Scottish Reformation: Church and Society in Sixteenth-Century Scotland (New York: St Martin's Press, 1982), p. 62Google Scholar.

10 Donaldson, Gordon, The Faith of the Scots (London: B. T. Batsford Ltd, 1990), p. 50Google Scholar.

11 Ibid., p. 41. Donaldson points out that some of the later English editions were products of the reforming movements and contained material condemned as heretical.

12 Cowan, Ian B., The Medieval Church in Scotland, ed. Kirk, James (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1995), p. 172Google Scholar.

13 Dunbar, William, The Poems of William Dunbar, ed. Mackenzie, Mackay (Edinburgh: Porpoise Press, 1932), p. 175Google Scholar.

14 Aston, Margaret, England's Iconoclasts, vol. 1, Laws Against Images (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), p. 107Google Scholar.

15 Works, ed. Laing, 1:10.

16 Reid, W. Stanford's ‘The Lollards in Pre-Reformation Scotland’, Church History 11/4 (Dec. 1942), pp. 269–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar, is the classic exposition of the maximalist interpretation of Lollardy's influence in Scotland. Cowan argues for a minimalist interpretation of the data in Scottish Reformation, p. 89.

17 Knox includes the entirety of the work in his History, after recounting Hamilton's martyrdom. Works, ed. Laing, 1:19–35.

18 Wiedermann, Gotthelf, ‘Martin Luther versus John Fisher: Some Ideas Concerning the Debate on Lutheran Theology at the University of St Andrews, 1525–30’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society, 22 (1986), pp. 28–9Google Scholar. Hamilton would probably have learned this strain of nominalist theology from John Major (Mair), who taught at Paris while Hamilton was a student. Later, Major was Knox's primary teacher at St Andrews University, where he had a profound influence on the formation of Knox's thought. Although Major's theological work remains understudied, his influence on the Reformation in Scotland is hard to overestimate. In addition to Wiedermann's essay, cf. Durkan, John, ‘The Cultural Background in Sixteenth-Century Scotland’, in McRoberts, David (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 1513–1625 (Glasgow: Burns, 1962), especially pp. 281–97Google Scholar. His philosophical work is treated in Broadie, Alexander, The Circle of John Mair: Logic and Logicians in Pre-Reformation Scotland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985)Google Scholar.

19 Wiedermann, ‘Martin Luther versus John Fisher’, p. 18.

20 McGoldrick, James Edward, ‘Patrick Hamilton, Luther's Scottish Disciple’, Sixteenth Century Journal 18/1 (Spring 1987), p. 86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Works, ed. Laing, 1:61. Cf. Cameron, James K., ‘Aspects of the Lutheran Contribution to the Scottish Reformation 1528–1552’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society 22 (1986), p. 2Google Scholar.

22 Cowan, Scottish Reformation, p. 94.

23 M’Crie, Thomas, The Life of John Knox (London: Publications Committee of the Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland, 1960), p. 17Google Scholar. Cf. the helpful qualification of this claim in Sanderson, Margaret H. B., Cardinal of Scotland: David Beaton c.1494–1546, 2nd edn (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers, 2001), p. 83Google Scholar, emphasising that the teachers at St Leonard's were almost certainly not teaching Lutheran ideas, even if they allowed students to adopt them.

24 Kirk, ‘Iconoclasm and Reform’, p. 366.

25 Cameron, ‘Aspects of the Lutheran Contribution’, p. 2.

27 The Works of Sir David Lindsay of the Mount (Edinburgh: Peter Williamson & C. Elliot, 1776), p. 69.

28 Ibid., p. 57.

29 The Richt Vay to the Kingdom of Heuine by John Gau, ed. A. F. Mitchell (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society, 1888), p. 101.

30 Donaldson, Faith of the Scots, p. 68.

31 Cowan, Scottish Reformation, pp. 92–4, and Sanderson, Cardinal of Scotland, p. 80.

32 Sanderson, Cardinal of Scotland, p. 81.

33 Ridley, Jasper, John Knox (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 31Google Scholar.

34 Kyle, Richard, The Mind of John Knox (Lawrence, KS: Coronado Press, 1984), p. 7Google Scholar.

35 Sanderson, Cardinal of Scotland, pp. 193, 217.

36 Shaw, Duncan, ‘Zwinglian Influences on the Scottish Reformation’, Records of the Scottish Church History Society 22 (1986), p. 123Google Scholar.

37 Works, ed. Laing, 1:169.

38 Works, ed. Laing, 1:227–8.

39 Wishart is widely acknowledged to be one of Knox's greatest theological influences; James Kirk even suggests he was the single greatest influence. Cf. Kirk, James, ‘John Knox and the Historians’, in Mason, Roger A. (ed.), John Knox and the British Reformations (Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1998), p. 21Google Scholar. The question of Calvin's early influence on Knox is much debated. The strongest case for early influence is D’Assonville, V. E., John Knox and The Institutes of Calvin: A Few Points of Contact in their Theology (Durban: Drakensberg Press, 1968)Google Scholar; by contrast, Richard L. Greaves emphasises the diversity of Knox's influences and downplays the early contact with Calvin in Theology and Revolution in the Scottish Reformation (Grand Rapids, MI: Christian University Press, 1980), pp. 4–24.

40 Works, ed. Laing, 1:195–9.

41 For Wishart's view of the matter, cf. ibid., 1:162–5.

42 Ibid., 4:518.

43 Ibid., 3:69.

44 Ibid., 3:50–1.

45 Ibid., 3:16, 26. Cf. Balnaves’ text, Ibid., 3:495, 528.

46 Ibid., 2:185–6. Cf. 6:501.

47 Ibid., 3:38.

48 Ibid., 3:34.

49 Durkan, ‘Cultural Background’, p. 303. Cf. Works, ed. Laing, 2:188–9.

50 Kirk, ‘Iconoclasm and Reform’, p. 375.

51 Works, ed. Laing, 3:98.

52 Ibid., 3:96.

53 Ibid., 3:95; for the saints in heaven, cf. ibid., 3:97.

54 Ibid., 2:99, 102, 146, 6:318–19.