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“The Master Rarely Casts His Eye Here”: Water and Urban Infrastructure in Postwar Vladivostok
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2022
Abstract
The keyword socialist modernity has often served as the yardstick for scholarship on socialist urban histories. Many have stressed the so-called fundamental and micropolitical characteristics of ideology to understand the material and social lives of their cities. I argue that such a historiographical stance not only sidelines the variegated and conflicting experiences of urbanization, but also marginalizes how nature and space actively conditioned urban life and its social fabrics. By looking at water and its infrastructure in post-WWII Vladivostok, I argue how groups ranging from technical experts to everyday residents built the city around the cruciality of water supplies. This spawned debates about the limits of urban planning, the corruption of the municipal authorities, and the fight against epidemic diseases. Reframing socialist urbanization as that of “assemblages” opens new avenues that fuse the work of environmental and urban histories of socialism.
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- Copyright © The Author(s) 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies
Footnotes
During the several pre-lives that this article has known, many people contributed to its becoming, though none of its shortcomings are theirs. I firstly thank the local archivists and librarians in Vladivostok, especially Natalia E. Belikova and Viktoria V. Knurenko, without whose professional support this piece would not exist. Oscar Sanchez-Sibony, Kate Brown, Micah Muscolino, Katherine Zubovich, Till Mostowlansky, the three anonymous reviewers and editors of Slavic Review, including Harriet Murav and Dmitry Tartakovsky, addressed many of the conceptual and empirical gaps and issues. They guided this piece to its publication. Tracy Neumann, Carl Nightingale, and Stapleton Kristin kindly invited me to discuss this work at the Urban Forms and Informalities Working Group 2020–21, organized by the Global Urban History Project. Their comments and those of all the other organizers and participants were extremely helpful. Colleagues, faculty and the administration at the University of Hong Kong and Massachusetts Institute of Technology provided the necessary (financial) support and warm collegiality along the way.
References
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12. “Neustanno snizhat΄ stoimost΄ stroitel΄stva,” Krasnoe Znamia, April 27, 1954, 3–4.
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16. Ibid., 34.
17. A comprehensive historiography deserves a space of its own. Extensive overviews can be found in Thomas M. Bohn, Minsk, Musterstadt des Sozialismus: Stadtplanung und Urbanisierung in der Sowjetunion nach 1945 (Cologne, 2008); Michał Murawski, “Actually-Existing Success: Economics, Aesthetics, and the Specificity of (Still-)Socialist Urbanism,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 907–37.
18. Heather D. DeHaan, Stalinist City Planning: Professionals, Performance, and Power (Toronto, 2013), 19; Paul Stronski, Tashkent: Forging a Soviet City, 1930–1966 (Pittsburgh, 2010), 3–5; Katherine Lebow, Unfinished Utopia: Nowa Huta, Stalinism, and Polish Society, 1949–56 (Ithaca, 2013), 15–16; Christine Varga-Harris, Stories of House and Home: Soviet Apartment Life during the Khrushchev Years (Ithaca, 2015), 14.
19. Stephen J. Collier, Post-Soviet Social: Neoliberalism, Social Modernity, Biopolitics (Princeton, 2011), 7; Kimberly E. Zarecor, “What Was So Socialist about the Socialist City? Second World Urbanity in Europe,” Journal of Urban History 44, no. 1 (January 2018): 100. Others that are echoing parts of this scholarship are Richard Anderson, Russia: Modern Architectures in History (London, 2015); Daria Bocharnikova and Steven E. Harris, “Second World Urbanity: Infrastructures of Utopia and Really Existing Socialism,” Journal of Urban History 44, no. 1 (January 2018): 3–8; Mark B. Smith, Property of Communists: The Urban Housing Program from Stalin to Khrushchev (DeKalb, 2010).
20. Krylova, Anna, “Imagining Socialism in the Soviet Century,” Social History 42, no. 3 (July 2017): 317–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
21. Krylova, Anna, “Soviet Modernity: Stephen Kotkin and the Bolshevik Predicament,” Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (May 2014): 169CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Writing during the late 1980s and early 1990s, Terry Eagleton sharply pointed out how “the category of discourse is inflated to the point where it imperializes the whole world, eliding the distinction between thought and material reality.” Terry Eagleton, Ideology: An Introduction (London, 1991 [2007]), 219. See also Sloin, Andrew and Sanchez-Sibony, Oscar, “Economy and Power in the Soviet Union, 1917–39,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 15, no. 1 (Winter 2014): 7–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22. Andy Bruno provides a well-rounded discussion of environmental histories of socialism in his comprehensive study about the dynamics between nature, ideology, and built environments of the USSR, Andy Bruno, The Nature of Soviet Power: An Arctic Environmental History (New York, 2016), 11–25. The conversation between urban and environmental historians has yet to breakthrough in the field of Soviet history. For a general overview, see Lawrence Culver, “Confluences of Nature and Culture: Cities in Environmental History,” in Andrew C. Isenberg, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Environmental History (New York, 2014), 553–72. Furthermore, English language urban histories of the RFE are also virtually non-existent. For one key study, see John Stephan, The Russian Far East: A History (Stanford, 1996). Key works in Russian language are Viktor A. Obertas, K istorii zastroiki Vladivostoka (Vladivostok, 1961); V. V. Anikeev and V. A. Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka: Istoriia, problemy, resheniia (Vladivostok, 2007); Sergey Vlasov, Ocherki istorii Vladivostoka (Vladivostok, 2010); Nikolai C. Riabov and Viktor A. Obertas, Arkhitektura Dal΄nego Vostoka Rossii (Vladivostok, 2015).
23. Eagleton, Ideology, 59, 223.
24. Based on the primary sources and the developments, this “postwar” story starts around 1936 and “ends” around 1961. In 1936, the Sedanka water system started operating. In 1961, Vladivostok’s first city plan was revised and saw the beginning of an urbanization spree, while benefitting from the infrastructural groundwork laid during the immediate postwar years. Furthermore, the idea of the ideological stubbornness of Soviet citizens has previously been questioned: see Sheila Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (New York, 2000); Kate Brown, Plutopia: Nuclear Families, Atomic Cities, and the Great Soviet and American Plutonium Disasters (New York, 2015), 213–20.
25. For more recent work in this direction, see Lisa B. W. Drummond and Douglas Young, eds., Socialist and Post-Socialist Urbanisms: Critical Reflections from a Global Perspective (Toronto, 2020).
26. There are myriad ways of theorizing the keyword space, but one that is particularly instructive here is provided by David Harvey. Harvey highlights how space can be simultaneously observed from absolute, relative, and relational standpoints, when it concerns its physical, social, economic, and discursive/imaginary properties. See David Harvey, “Space as a Keyword” (unpublished paper, Marx and Philosophy Conference, London, May 23, 2004).
27. Historians and anthropologists, especially of South Asia, have reoriented readings of empire and modern nations around water as the main protagonist: see Sunil Amrith, Unruly Waters: How Rains, Rivers, Coasts, and Seas Have Shaped Asia’s History (New York, 2018); Debjani Bhattacharyya, Empire and Ecology in the Bengal Delta: The Making of Calcutta (Cambridge, Eng., 2018); Andrea Ballestero, A Future History of Water (Durham, 2019).
28. In her work on Turkish wetlands as places of moral ecologies, Catarina Scaramelli recently argued that disentangling infrastructure and environments as opposite categories ignores how both are co-constituted through work, power, and capital, among others, see Caterina Scaramelli, How to Make a Wetland: Water and Moral Ecology in Turkey (Stanford, 2021), 85–86, 104–5.
29. GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 382, ll. 1 (Program “Vladivostok” as a Planned Object in Hard Natural Conditions, 1940).
30. Donald Filtzer notes how almost no postwar Soviet city had modern sanitation infrastructure and how the “economic logic of Stalinism” prohibited a structural improvement. Instead, controlling and preventing epidemics was deemed cheaper and preferable. While Filtzer’s first observation holds true, it would be an exaggeration to say that no solutions were sought on the ground, as they were in Vladivostok. Donald A. Filtzer, The Hazards of Urban Life in Late Stalinist Russia: Health, Hygiene, and Living Standards, 1943–1953 (New York, 2010), 6, 10.
31. Susan E. Reid, “Cold War in the Kitchen: Gender and the De-Stalinization of Consumer Taste in the Soviet Union under Khrushchev,” Slavic Review 61, no. 2 (Summer 2002): 211–52; Miriam Dobson, “The Post-Stalin Era: De-Stalinization, Daily Life, and Dissent,” Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 12, no. 4 (Fall 2011): 905–24.
32. Examples of such fruitful dialogues are explored in Fabien Locher and Grégory Quenet, “Environmental History: The Origins, Stakes, and Perspectives of a New Site for Research,” trans. William Bishop, Revue d’histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 56, no. 4 (January 2009): 23–27.
33. Anna L. Tsing, The Mushroom at the End of the World: On the Possibility of Life in the Capitalist Ruins (Princeton, 2015), 23.
34. Ibid., 161.
35. Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 65; Collier, Post-Soviet Social, 79–83.
36. Elena Shulman, Stalinism on the Frontier of Empire: Women and State Formation in the Soviet Far East (Cambridge, Eng., 2012), 59; Jonathan A. Bone, “Socialism in a Far Country: Stalinist Population Politics and the Making of the Soviet Far East, 1929–1939” (PhD diss., The University of Chicago, 2003), 23; Stephen Kotkin, Stalin: Paradoxes of Power, 1878–1928 (New York, 2014), 590.
37. GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 94, ll. 1–5 (Foreword on the History of the Administrative Governance Structure in Vladivostok); Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 65–66.
38. Evgenii A. Vasil΄ev, Bolshoi Vladivostok (Vladivostok, 1938).
39. As quoted in Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 67.
40. Vasil΄ev, Bolshoi Vladivostok, 27.
41. Stephan, The Russian Far East, 48–49.
42. Or to put it in the words of a local joke these days—as a taxi driver told me, Vladivostok is the only city in Russia where apartment tenants on the first-floor can peak into the lives of their neighbors living on the ninth floor across the street.
43. GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 103, ll. 25–40 (Key Conclusions on the 1961 General City Plan, s.d.).
44. Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 70, 73; GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 7, ll. 29–34 (Detailed Project of the Kuperovskoi District in Vladivostok—Institute Primorkraiproekt, 1963); GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 104, ll. 1–6 and ll. 18–27 (Problems of Great Vladivostok. Presentation at the Conference on the Development of Production Forces in the Far East, 1961).
45. GAPK, f. 510, op. 5, d. 17, ll. 1 (On the Hypothetical Economic Development of Vladivostok in the Coming 20–25 Years, 1954).
46. I thank the first anonymous reviewer for this insight.
47. GAPK, f. 1251, op. 1, d. 385, ll. 4 (Scientific-Research Works on the Complex Theme: The Scientific Conditions for the Reconstruction of USSR Cities Based on the Example of Vladivostok, 1959).
48. E. V. Vasil΄ev, “K metodike nauchnykh issledovanii v gradostroitel΄nom proektirovanii,” in A. V. Stotsenko, ed., Sbornik Nauchnykh Rabot vol. 2 (Blagoveshchensk, Russia, 1962), 5–20.
49. Ibid., 5.
50. Ibid., 6
51. Charles Goodwin, “Professional Vision,” American Anthropologist 96, no. 3 (September 1994): 606.
52. Ibid., 626.
53. Paul Josephson, Nicolai Dronin, Ruben Mnatsakanian, Aleh Cherp, Dmitry Efremenko, and Vladislav Larin, eds., An Environmental History of Russia (Cambridge, Eng., 2013); Hannah Holleman, Dust Bowls of Empire: Imperialism, Environmental Politics, and the Injustice of “Green” Capitalism (New Haven, 2018); David Blackbourn, The Conquest of Nature: Water, Landscape, and the Making of Modern Germany (London, 2006); David Fedman, foreword by Paul S. Sutter, Seeds of Control: Japan’s Empire of Forestry in Colonial Korea (Seattle, 2020).
54. In the words of Henri Lefebvre, such spatial planning became the quintessence of the production of (social and political) space under the modern nation-state: “One can speak of an economy of flow: the flow of energy, the flow of raw materials, the flow of labor, the flow of information, and so forth. The units of industrial and agricultural production are no longer independent and isolated.” Henri Lefebvre, State, Space, World: Selected Essays, ed. Neil Brenner and Stuart Elden (Minneapolis, 2009), 186.
55. James C. Scott’s well-known Seeing Like a State is helpful to understand how high modernist states traditionally schematized nature, imposed abstract spatial hierarchies, and made their human subjects legible for the purpose political control; James C. Scott, Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven, 1998). For a helpful reading in the Soviet context, see Kate Brown, “Gridded Lives: Why Kazakhstan and Montana Are Nearly the Same Place,” The American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 17–48.
56. Victor Zatsepine, Beyond the Amur: Frontier Encounters between China and Russia, 1850–1930 (Vancouver, 2017).
57. Julia Obertreis, Imperial Desert Dreams: Cotton Growing and Irrigation in Central Asia, 1860–1991 (Göttingen, 2017); Maya K. Peterson, Pipe Dreams: Water and Empire in Central Asia’s Aral Sea Basin (Cambridge, Eng., 2019).
58. Obertas, K istorii zastroiki Vladivostoka, 20; GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 52, ll. 3–7 (Overview of Communal Development in the Primorskii Krai, 1957).
59. GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 20, ll. 61–63 (Report by G. Balakin on Housing and Public Works, November 1953).
60. Obertas, K istorii zastroiki Vladivostoka, 32. But there were many caveats. The factual supply barely reached its capacities: it was estimated that between 12,500 to 13,000 cubic meters reached Vladivostok’s city district, because the Vodokanalizatsiia trust was mismanaging the coordination, and leakage accounted about 17–18 percent of all transported water: GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 52, ll. 4–7 (Overview of Communal Development, 1957).
61. Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 81.
62. “Tebe, SSSR,” Krasnoe Znamia, June 24, 1936, 2–3.
63. Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Egypt, Techno-Politics, Modernity (Berkeley, 2002), chap. 3; Ramya Swayamprakash, “Exportable Engineering Expertise for ‘Development’: A Story of Large Dams in Post-Independence India,” Water History 6, no. 2 (June 2014): 163.
64. Timothy Mitchell informs us how the materiality of energy sources (oil in his case) selectively shaped forms of (un)democratic government in the postwar era. On Barak illustrates how the making of the British imperial system of global coal extraction and trade similarly engaged with the materiality of water and “multispecies boomtowns,” see Timothy Mitchell, Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil (New York, 2011); On Barak, Powering Empire: How Coal Made the Middle East and Sparked Global Carbonization (Oakland, 2020), 11–16.
65. GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 1, ll. 1–8 (Plan for Housing-Communal Construction in Vladivostok, 1946–1950, most likely late 1945/early 1946).
66. Ibid., l. 2; GAPK, f. 26, op. 33, d. 446, ll. 5 (On Water Supplies and Sanitation in Cities of the Primorskii Krai—Report by the Statistical Department, September 17, 1959).
67. Pegov, Dalekoe—Blizkoe, 217–18.
68. Non-ferrous metallurgy was the fastest-growing industry in Primorskii Krai: if the overall value of production assets of most industries multiplied twice, then metallurgy expanded fifteen times, see GAPK, f. 510, op. 5, d. 40, ll. 14 (Projection for Economic Development in Primorskii Krai for 1956–1960, August 1953).
69. Michael Gentile and Örjan Sjöberg, “Housing Allocation under Socialism: The Soviet Case Revisited,” Post-Soviet Affairs 29, no. 2 (May 2013): 173–95; Gentile and Sjöberg, “Intra-Urban Landscapes of Priority: The Soviet Legacy,” Europe-Asia Studies 58, no. 5 (August 2006): 701–29.
70. GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 52, ll. 27 (Characteristics of Water Supplies and Sewages in Vladivostok, June 18, 1945).
71. GAPK, f. 26, op. 33, d. 446, ll. 4 (On Water Supplies and Sanitation in Cities of the Primorskii Krai—Report by the Statistical Department, September 17, 1959).
72. GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 15, ll. 31 (On Housing and Communal Management in the Primorskii Krai, August 31, 1949). See also, GAPK, f. p-68, op. 4, d. 132, ll. 96–97.
73. GAPK, f. 85, op. 5, d. 70, ll. 3–4 (Proceedings on 11th Party Congress of the City, August 1952).
74. Cronon particularly uses the terms “geography of nature” (rivers, forests, livestock and its geographic location) and “geography of capital” (a human economy that extracted nature’s wealth through railways and factories among others); see William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1992), 264, 269.
75. “O samoi dal΄nei ulitse,” Boevaia Vakhta, March 21, 1946, 3.
76. Andy Bruno has similarly explored how citizens shaped a “Soviet environmental subjectivity” through nature. Andy Bruno, “Environmental Subjectivities from the Soviet North,” Slavic Review 78, no. 1 (Spring 2019): 1–22.
77. “Zaglianite v staryi plan,” Boevaia Vakhta, March 21, 1946, 3.
78. “Prividem v poriadok vse ugolki vladivostoka,” Boevaia Vakhta, March 21, 1946, 3.
79. Anikeev and Obertas, General΄nye plany Vladivostoka, 81.
80. GAPK, f. 540, op. 2, d. 196, ll. 3–15 (Report on Perspectives for Development of Water Management and Hydro-Energy in the Far East, January 21, 1958).
81. Mark D. Sokolsky, “Taming Tiger Country: Colonization and Environment in the Russian Far East, 1860–1940” (PhD diss., Ohio State University, 2016), 136–38.
82. GAPK, f. 540, op. 2, d. 196, ll. 3–15.
83. GAPK, f. 172, op. 5, d. 1, ll. 1–8 (Development of Communal Sectors in Vladivostok during the Five-Year Plan (1946–1950), most likely late 1945/early 1946).
84. Varga-Harris, Stories of House and Home, 16.
85. “Proekty i deistvitel΄nost,’” Krasnoe Znamia, April 9, 1947, 3.
86. “Vyshe tempy i kachestvo stroitel΄nykh rabot,” Krasnoe Znamia, January 31, 1952, 1.
87. “Usilit΄ partiinoe rukovodstvo stroitel΄stvom,” Krasnoe Znamia, April 1, 1949, 2.
88. Susan Reid has noted that thousands of these units were consolidated into larger and more powerful organizations (in places like Moscow) at the end of the 1950s, when mass housing construction was enormously expanded. Susan E. Reid, “Building Utopia in the Back Yard: Housing Administration, Participatory Government, and the Cultivation of Socialist Community,” ed. Karl Schlögel, Mastering Russian Space: Raum und Raumbewältigung als Probleme der russischen Geschichte (Munich, 2011), 153.
89. Smith, Property of Communists, 47–48.
90. Ibid., 34.
91. Vlasov, Ocherki istorii Vladivostoka, 166.
92. GAPK, f. 26, op. 33, d. 434, ll. 6 (Report on Individual Housing Construction, 1957).
93. Ibid.
94. “Bol΄she vnimaniia individual΄nomu zhilishchnomu stroitel΄stvu,” Krasnoe Znamia, March 26, 1954, 2.
95. Smith, Property of Communists, 48; GAPK, f. 85, op. 5, d. 60, ll. 14 (Protocols and Decisions of the Sessions XXI, XXII, and XXIII of the Vladgorispolkom—Session 2, March 21, 1946); GAPK f. p-68, op. 34, d. 219, ll. 1–5 (Letter to Head of the Military Department of the Primorskii Krai VKP (b) Shchanov from Larin and Kudrayvtsev, January 14, 1947).
96. GAPK, f. p-68, op. 34, d. 397, ll. 49 (Letter to Malenkov G. M., Central Committee CPSU Moscow, from Party Secretary VKP(b) Organov, June 7, 1950).
97. Moshe Lewin, The Soviet Century (New York, 2005 [2016]), 61.
98. As cited in Lukasz Stanek, Henri Lefebvre on Space: Architecture, Urban Research, and the Production of Theory (Minneapolis, 2011), 133–34; Henri Lefebvre, The Production of Space (Oxford, 1991).